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UNIYERSITYy- 

PENNSYLVANIA 
LIBRARIES 


s-fj- 


THE  LIBRARY 
CHRONICLE 

of  the  Friends  of  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 
LIBRARY 


M 


VOLUME  XL  •   1976 


CONTENTS 


Bibliographical  Studies  in  Honor  of  Rudolf  Hirsch 

Introduction  by  Richard  De  Gennaro  7 

Foreword  9 

CHARLES   W.    DAVID 

The  Making  o£  Beves  of  Hampton  15 

ALBERT   C.   BAUGH 

Theocratic  History  in  Fourteenth-Century  France:  The  38 

Liber  Bellorum  Domwi  by  Pierre  de  la  Palu 

JOHN   F.    BENTON 

Eine  deutsche  Obersetzung  des  "Opus  de  felicitate"  55 

von  Philipp  Beroaldus  (1502) 

JOSEF   BENZING 

Three  Early  Venetian  Editions  of  Augustinus  Datus  and  62 

the  Press  of  Florentius  de  Argentina 

CURT   F.   BUHLER 

A  Greek  Evangeliary  Leaf  with  Ecphonetic  Notation  70 

LLOYD   W.    DALY 

A  Fifteenth-Century  Spanish  Book  List  73 

RUTH  J,    DEAN  and   SAMUEL   G.    ARMISTEAD 

Italian  Collections  of  Letters  in  the  Second  Part  of  the  88 

Sixteenth  Century 

FELIX   GILBERT 

Editing  Inquisitors'  Manuals  in  the  Sixteenth  Century:  95 

Francisco  Peria  and  the  Directorium  inquisitorum  of 
Nicholas  Eymeric 

EDWARD   M.   PETERS 


Zwingli  and  His  Publisher  108 

G.   R.   POTTER 

The  Printer  of  Ockam  118 

DENNIS   E.   RHODES 

Notes  on  Some  Printing-House  Practices  in  the  124 

Sixteenth  Century 

M.   A.   SHAABER 

Rudolf  Hirsch  Bibliography  140 


The  Library's  Indie  Manuscript  Collection  151 

STEPHAN  HILLYER  LEVITT 

Manuscripts  and  Printed  Books  from  Six  162 

Centuries,  1000-1600:  An  Exhibition, 
February  15  -  April  15,  1975 

LYMAN   W.   RILEY 

Italian  Plays  Printed  before  1701  in  the  178 

University  Library 

M.    A,    SHAABER 

A  Library  for  Parliament  in  the  Early  204 

Seventeenth  Century 

ELIZABETH   READ   FOSTER 

To  "The  Assignation"  from  "The  Visionary"  221 

(Part  Two) :  The  Revisions  and  Related  Matters 

BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN   FISHER   IV 

Dreiser  to  Sandburg:  Three  Unpublished  Letters  252 

ROBERT   CARRINGER  and   SCOTT   BENNETT 


THE  LIBRARY 
CHRONICLE 


Vol.  XL     Winter,  1974     No.  1 


Bibliographical  Studies 

IN  HONOR  OF 

Rudolf  Hirsch 


Friends  of  the  Library 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

PHILADELPHIA 
1974 


n 


Published  semiannually  by  the  Friends  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library. 
Subscription  rate,  $6.00  for  non-members.  §  Articles  and  notes  of  bibliographic  and 
bibliophile  interest  are  invited.  Contributions  should  be  submitted  to  WiUiam  E. 
Miller,  Editor,  The  Library  Chronicle,  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library,  Philadel- 
phia, Pennsylvania  19174. 


THE  LIBRARY 
CHRONICLE 


o>>^ — ^ 

Rittenhouse  Orrery 


Friends  of  the  Library 
UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  STUDIES 
IN  HONOR  OF 

RUDOLF  HIRSCH 


Edited  by 

WILLIAM  E.  MILLER 

and 

THOMAS  G.  WALDMAN 
with  NATALIE  D.  TERRELL 


University  of  Pennsylvania  Library 
1975 


/'        T   '    (, 


\/,  HO    uj;    l^^'^  -  U,*  I'^KQ, 


^ 


CONTENTS 


VOLUME  XL  •   WINTER   1974  "   NUMBER   1 

Introduction  by  Richard  De  Gennaro  7 

Foreword  9 

CHARLES   W.   DAVID 

The  Making  o£  Beves  of  Hampton  15 

ALBERT   C.   BAUGH 

Theocratic  History  in  Fourteenth-Century  France:  The  38 

Liber  Bellorum  Domini  by  Pierre  de  la  Palu 

JOHN   F.   BENTON 

Eine  deutsche  Ubersetzung  des  "Opus  de  feHcitate"  55 

von  PhiHpp  Beroaldus  (1502) 

JOSEF   BENZING 

Three  Early  Venetian  Editions  of  Augustinus  Datus  and  62 

the  Press  of  Florentius  de  Argentina 

CURT  F.   BUHLER 

A  Greek  Evangeliary  Leaf  with  Ecphonetic  Notation  70 

LLOYD   W.   DALY 

A  Fifteenth-Century  Spanish  Book  List  73 

RUTH  J.   DEAN  and   SAMUEL   G.   ARMISTEAD 

Italian  Collections  of  Letters  in  the  Second  Part  of  the  88 

Sixteenth  Century 

FELIX    GILBERT 

Editing  Inquisitors'  Manuals  in  the  Sixteenth  Century:  95 

Francisco  Peiia  and  the  Directorium  inquisitorum  of 
Nicholas  Eymeric 

EDWARD   M.   PETERS 

Zwingli  and  His  Publisher  108 

G.   R.    POTTER 

The  Printer  of  Ockam  118 

DENNIS  E.   RHODES 


Notes  on  Some  Printing-House  Practices  in  the  124 

Sixteenth  Century 

M.   A.   SHAABER 

Rudolf  Hirsch  Bibliography  140 


The  editors  wish  to  express  their  gratitude  to  Margaret  H.  Allan,  Eleanor  E. 
Campion,  Margaret  C.  Nolan,  Neda  M.  Westlake,  Richard  B.  Blair,  and  James 
M.  Gibson.  They  also  desire  to  thank  the  libraries  that  have  been  kind  enough  to 
give  permission  for  the  reproduction  of  photographs. 


Introduction 


RUDOLF  HIRSCH  is  one  of  that  very  small  company  of 
.  truly  distinguished  and  now  irreplaceable  scholar-librarians. 
German  bom  and  educated,  he  grew  up  in  the  book  trade,  took  a 
library  degree  at  the  University  of  Chicago  and  a  doctorate  at  Penn- 
sylvania. He  began  his  career  at  the  Reference  Department  of  The 
New  York  Public  Library  and  was  Director  of  the  Union  Library 
Catalogue  of  Philadelphia  before  joining  the  staff  of  the  University 
Library  in  1945. 

His  career  as  an  eminent  library  administrator  is  overshadowed  by 
his  extraordinary  accomplishments  as  a  bookman,  bibliographer,  and 
teacher.  For  thirty  years  he  labored  at  building  the  Library's  collec- 
tions of  books  and  manuscripts  in  the  humanities  and  made  them 
outstanding  in  many  fields.  For  thirty  years  he  interpreted  the  Li- 
brary and  particularly  its  rich  manuscript  collections  to  a  large  and 
loyal  following  of  students  and  scholars.  He  was  a  teacher  of  excep- 
tional ability  in  the  classroom  as  well  as  in  his  office  in  the  library,  and 
the  quantity  and  quality  of  his  scholarly  writings  are  evident  from 
the  bibliography  of  his  published  works  at  the  end  of  this  volume. 

The  many  friends  and  colleagues  of  Rudolf  Hirsch  have  joined  to- 
gether to  create  and  publish  this  volume  of  writings  as  an  expression 
of  gratitude  and  as  a  tribute  to  him  on  the  occasion  of  his  retirement 
from  full-time  service  with  the  University  Library. 

RICHARD   DE   GENNARO 

Director  of  Libraries 


[7] 


Foreword 

CHARLES  W.  DAVID 


THE  purpose  of  this  requested  foreword  seems  to  be  to  allow  me 
to  speak  informally  and  personally  about  the  brilliant  man  to 
whom  this  volume  is  dedicated  and  with  whom  I  have  had  a  long 
association. 

I  dare  not  say  what  I  thought  of  the  many  and  widely  scattered 
libraries  of  the  Philadelphia  area  in  the  1930's.  Others  have  been  em- 
barrassingly critical.  Let  that  suffice.  A  small  group  of  imaginative 
but  frustrated  academic  historians,  without  any  clear  comprehension 
of  the  magnitude,  cost,  and  difficulty  of  what  they  were  proposing, 
conceived  the  idea  of  compiling  a  single  union  catalogue  of  all  our 
libraries  of  research  importance,  thereby  providing  easy  access  to  all 
their  rich  resources.  It  aroused  the  interest  of  one  remarkable  librar- 
ian, and  then  of  several  others,  also  of  some  resourceful  individuals 
and  of  some  philanthropic  foundations;  but  how  could  so  great  an 
enterprise  be  achieved?  And  then  a  kind  of  miracle  happened.  We 
were  in  the  middle  of  the  Great  Depression.  Thousands  of  worthy 
men  and  women  were  out  of  work  and  desperate.  Distress  was  such 
that  government  funds  had  to  be  provided  for  relief.  Also  micro- 
photography  had  just  come  into  its  own,  and  a  machine  had  been 
devised  for  the  record  photocopying  of  bank  checks.  It  could  also  be 
used  for  the  inexpensive  photo-duplication  of  library  catalogue 
cards.  And  so,  contrary  to  almost  all  expectations,  the  Union  Library 
Catalogue  of  the  Philadelphia  Metropolitan  Area  was  created.  It  be- 
came a  going  concern,  though  still  with  many  imperfections,  by  the 
late  1930's. 

The  reformers  next,  but  still  with  a  kind  of  lay  outlook,  organized, 
in  close  cooperation  with  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  what  they 
called  The  Bibliographical  Planning  Committee  of  Philadelphia  and 
embarked  upon  an  ambitious  plan  to  make  a  survey  of  the  whole 
Philadelphia  library  situation  and  to  formulate  plans  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  community  hbrary  research  center,  in  close  association 
with  the  Union  Library  Catalogue.  In  connection  with  this  operation 
a  need  was  felt  for  a  research  report  on  library  cooperation  beyond 

[9] 


Philadelphia  elsewhere  in  the  world.  To  make  such  a  study,  there 
being  no  one  in  the  group  in  a  position  to  undertake  this,  a  promising 
young  librarian  from  the  staff  of  The  New  York  Public  Library  was 
called  in  on  a  short-term  leave  of  absence  to  do  so.  His  name  was 
Rudolf  Hirsch.  The  year  was  1939.  His  task  was  completed  within  a 
few  months  and  he  returned  to  New  York,  leaving  an  excellent 
reputation  behind  him.  And  then  a  serious  illness  overtook  Paul 
Vanderbilt,  the  first  Director  of  the  Union  Library  Catalogue  and 
one  of  the  most  creative  minds  behind  it.  He  was  compelled  to  re- 
sign, and  soon  thereafter,  I  think  in  1941,  Rudolf  Hirsch  was  called 
back  and  made  Director. 

Thus  it  was  that  Rudolf  Hirsch  entered  my  life  and  entered  the 
Philadelphia  library  picture  which  was  to  be  the  center  of  his  life  and 
work  for  the  next  thirty-five  years.  Why  he  came  I  do  not  know. 
Certainly  the  library  prospect  here  at  that  moment  was  not  very 
promising.  But  he,  though  well  equipped,  was  not  a  librarian  of  the 
usual  type — he  was  always  somewhat  unorthodox — and  I  suppose  he 
sensed  that  some  extremely  interesting  things  were  happening  here 
in  which  he  would  enjoy  playing  a  part.  The  reformers  were,  per- 
haps I  might  say,  conservative  liberals  with  a  scholar's  outlook, 
rather  unorthodox  from  the  traditional  library  viewpoint;  and  they 
felt  that  they  were  engaged  in  a  kind  of  library  revolution. 

Into  this  picture  Rudolf  fitted  perfectly.  He  was,  so  to  say,  a  book- 
man bom;  his  family  had  been  in  the  book  business  for  several 
generations;  he  was  a  genuine  book  lover.  He  had  a  thoroughgoing 
German  education;  and  after  his  arrival  in  this  country  he  got  his 
degree  from  one  of  the  very  best  of  our  library  schools.  But  this  did 
not  make  him  an  orthodox  American  librarian.  His  principal  interest 
has  remained  what  it  had  been  before  he  came  from  Germany, 
namely,  scholarship,  particularly  bibliographical  scholarship  and  the 
culture  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries.  He  had  little  liking 
for  administration,  but  he  administered  well  and  fairly  when  neces- 
sary; and  he  was  liked  and  greatly  admired  by  all  his  colleagues  who 
worked  with  him  and  under  him.  But  he  was  never  so  happy  as 
when  quietly  engaged  in  research. 

He  proved  himself  to  be  an  admirable  Director  of  the  Union 
Library  Catalogue  during  the  difficult  war  years.  He  strengthened  its 
staff  and  pushed  forward  with  the  work  of  the  Catalogue's  editorial 

[10] 


revision.  Indeed  his  interest  in  the  Catalogue  has  been  iinflagging 
during  the  whole  of  his  Philadelphia  career.  For  many  years  he  has 
been  an  influential  member  of  its  Board  of  Directors.  But  by  1944  he 
felt  compelled  to  resign  his  position  as  Director  and  enter  war  service 
as  a  civilian.  He  departed  for  London  and  was  away  until  after  the 
war  ended. 

Meanwhile,  late  in  1940  by  an  all  but  incredible  chain  of  events  I 
was  induced  to  turn  partly  away  from  Bryn  Mawr  College  and, 
without  any  library  training  or  technical  library  experience,  become 
Director  of  Libraries  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  American 
involvement  in  the  war,  which  followed  within  a  year,  made  it  im- 
possible to  achieve  much  for  which  I  had  hoped.  Faculty  and  students 
departed  in  great  numbers;  budgets  had  to  be  greatly  reduced.  But 
since  I  was  not  personally  involved  in  war  service,  the  war  years 
offered  an  opportunity  which  I  seized  to  make  plans  for  the  future 
and  prepare  to  move  forward  when  the  conflict  should  end.  Thus  it 
was  that  when  Rudolf  returned  from  London,  I  was  able  to  bring 
him  into  the  University  Library  and  place  him  at  the  head  of  the 
Processing  Division.  So  began  our  intimate  association  which  was  to 
last  until  my  retirement  a  decade  later  and  has  remained  one  of  the 
happiest  memories  of  my  life. 

Being  an  amateur  in  the  job  which  I  had  accepted,  I  felt  the  need  of 
the  closest  possible  association  with  my  principal  administrative  col- 
leagues. To  this  end  I  instituted  a  series  of  weekly  conferences  in  my 
office,  in  which  every  aspect  of  our  operation  was  brought  under 
review.  We  worked  from  fairly  defmite  agenda  and  minutes  were 
carefully  kept  by  my  secretary.  But  discussion  was  free  and  com- 
pletely informal.  New  ideas  were  put  forward  by  anyone  who  had 
them,  fully  considered,  and  decisions  made  when  necessary.  Informa- 
tion was  passed  from  one  administrator  to  another,  thus  keeping  us 
all  in  touch  and  avoiding  misunderstandings.  Such  conferences  were 
continued  through  all  the  remaining  years  of  my  administration. 
Throughout  them  all  Rudolf  with  his  fertile  and  far-ranging  mind 
was  a  tower  of  strength. 

Our  problems  were  many  and  at  times  all  but  overwhelming,  but 
there  is  space  only  for  illustrative  description  of  some  of  them.  We 
were  crowded  into  an  old  and  decaying  building,  not  half  large 
enough;  water  was  falling  through  a  leaking  roof  and  we  could  only 


try  to  catch  it  in  buckets  placed  in  the  stacks.  Could  smoking  be 
allowed  anywhere  in  the  building?  Could  undergraduates  be  per- 
mitted to  enter  the  bookstacks?  What  to  do  about  the  really  dreadful 
library  salary  scale,  and  the  totally  inadequate  appropriation  for 
books,  periodicals,  and  binding?  How  awaken  a  really  friendly  but 
harassed  university  administration  to  the  disastrous  situation  in  which 
we  found  ourselves?  Such  were  our  problems,  but  we  kept  our 
tempers  and  did  not  press  our  attacks  on  superiors  beyond  the  limits 
of  decency  and  good  manners.  Throughout  all  this  Rudolf  was  not 
the  only  one  of  my  wise  companions,  but  he  was  a  never-failing 
help  and  comfort. 

Let  me  try  to  illustrate  some  of  his  principal  achievements.  First  of 
all  he  was  a  collection  builder  with  a  vast  knowledge  of  books  and  an 
instinct  for  significant  manuscripts.  His  desk  was  usually  crowded 
with  dealers'  catalogues  over  which  he  pored  like  any  good  acquisi- 
tions librarian.  He  watched  for  manuscripts  as  well  as  books.  He 
soon  made  himself  a  considerable  master  of  our  existing  collections 
and  of  our  strengths  and  weaknesses.  He  was  more  familiar  than  any 
of  the  rest  of  us  with  the  European  book  trade.  He  has,  I  think,  done 
more  than  anyone  else  I  know  to  build  up  our  library  book  stock 
from  the  sorry  state  in  which  he  found  it  on  his  first  arrival  to  its 
present  eminence.  He  has  also  been  a  leader  in  making  our  riches 
known.  His  fine  catalogue  of  the  Library's  manuscripts  to  the  year 
1800  is  an  outstanding  example. 

One  of  our  great  problems  was  that  of  our  rare  books.  The  old 
library  building  had  no  acceptable  place  in  which  to  store  and  care 
for  them.  We  had  a  kind  of  inferno,  which  we  called  "The  Cage," 
designed  to  keep  some  of  our  naughty  books  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
prurient;  we  had  a  small  vault  in  which  we  kept  a  limited  number  of 
treasures  (Shakespeare's  gloves  and  Johnson's  Dictionary  stick  in  my 
mind) ;  we  had  much  better  facilities  for  the  Lea  Library  and  for  the 
Fumess  Shakespeare  Collection;  but  we  had  no  proper  rare  book 
room.  And  we  had  numerous  treasures  scattered  through  the  stacks, 
covered  with  dust  and  in  decay  on  open  shelves.  Finally,  after  a  long 
struggle  we  obtained  the  area  of  the  old  English  History  Seminar  and 
converted  it  into  a  clean,  relatively  safe,  and  attractive  rare  book 
room.  Here  we  were  able  to  store  and  care  for  our  treasures,  gathered 
from  throughout  the  library  stacks  and  now  being  constantly  aug- 

[12] 


merited  through  both  gift  and  purchase.  This  was  an  achievement  of 
many  minds  and  hands.  Rudolf  was  never  actually  named  Rare  Book 
Librarian,  but  his  knowledge,  influence,  and  assistance  in  all  this 
development  were  pivotal,  and  to  this  day  he  acts  as  a  wise  counselor 
and  keeps  a  watchful  eye  on  all  that  goes  on  on  the  handsome  top 
floor  of  the  Van  Pelt  Library. 

Or,  turning  to  another  achievement,  we  had,  and  it  was  important 
both  for  scholarship  and  for  our  public  relations,  an  unimpressive 
Library  Chronicle.  Rudolf  perceived  its  potential  importance,  ac- 
cepted its  editorship,  and  built  it  up  into  the  outstanding  journal  of 
its  kind  that  it  has  since  become. 

Let  me  now  say  something  more  about  our  library  building.  This 
was  a  field  to  which  Rudolf  does  not  readily  turn.  But  our  old  build- 
ing was  so  appalling,  and  the  work  space  for  the  Preparation  Division 
so  crowded  and  totally  inadequate,  that  he  was  obliged,  willy-nilly, 
to  give  it  his  attention.  Nearly  hopeless  as  we  felt  the  old  building  to 
be,  we  nevertheless  made  various  attempts  to  improve  it.  And  we 
early  came  to  have  hopes  for  an  ambitious  new  library  building.  On 
these  plans  we  literally  spent  months;  and  they  were  good  plans, 
destined  to  have  an  important  influence  on  the  new  building  which 
fmally  arrived  years  after  my  retirement.  To  all  this  effort  Rudolf 
willingly  and  patiently  gave  much  of  his  time,  and  he  was  a  very 
important  influence. 

I  come  now  to  what  seems  to  me  the  most  important  point  of  all 
in  our  estimate  of  this  man.  When  I  came  to  the  position  of  Director 
of  Libraries  at  the  University,  I  imagined  that  I  could  in  a  limited 
way  continue  with  historical  research  and  publication — at  least  to  the 
extent  of  completing  work  which  I  had  in  hand.  But  this  proved  not 
to  be  the  case;  administration  with  its  burdens  and  responsibilities 
swallowed  me  up.  Not  so  with  Rudolf  Hirsch.  Research  and  publica- 
tion were  a  necessary  part  of  his  life.  His  published  writings  began 
to  appear  before  he  left  Germany,  and  they  have  continued  to  appear 
in  a  steadily  expanding  stream  until  this  day.  We  can  only  scan  with 
astonishment  the  extended  list  of  his  writings  which  appears  later  in 
this  volume.  They  deal  mainly  with  the  culture  and  literary  output  of 
the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  as  above  noted,  but  also  with 
the  problems  growing  out  of  his  life  and  work  in  the  service  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  and  of  the  Union  Library  Catalogue  and 

[13   ] 


out  of  his  association  with  the  hbrary  profession  in  this  country.  No 
matter  what  the  demands  of  his  hbrary  position,  research  and  pubh- 
cation  have  continued  to  flow  in  ever  increasing  volume,  I  have  no 
doubt  that  they  will  go  on  flowing  during  the  years  to  come. 

Finally,  let  it  be  recorded  that  with  all  the  rest  Rudolf  has  found 
time  to  complete  work  for  the  doctorate  and  published  a  distinguished 
dissertation;  that  he  was  promoted  to  the  position  of  Associate  Di- 
rector of  Libraries  in  i960;  that  he  became  a  member  of  the  History 
Department  with  the  rank  of  Associate  Professor;  and  that  from 
time  to  time,  as  he  was  able,  he  has  taught  a  course  in  the  History  of 
the  Book;  also  that  for  a  time  he  taught  courses  in  the  library  schools 
of  both  Rutgers  and  Drexel.  I  can  only  say,  more  power  to  him;  and 
may  he  live  to  find  as  much  happiness  and  excitement  in  long  years  of 
retirement  as  I  have  found. 


[u] 


The  Making  ofBeves  of  Hampton 

ALBERT  C.  BAUGH 


THE  story  of  Beves  of  Hampton  was  one  of  the  most  popular 
subjects  that  attracted  Enghsh  entertainers  and  their  audiences 
in  the  Middle  Ages.  This  is  attested  by  the  number  of  manuscripts  of 
the  English  romances  that  tell  the  story  and  by  the  frequent  allusions 
to  it  in  other  romances  and  works  of  Middle  English  literature.  In 
addition  to  the  six  manuscripts  that  have  survived  there  are  several 
that  must  once  have  existed  if  we  are  to  explain  the  manuscript 
tradition.  The  story's  popularity  continued  on  into  the  sixteenth 
and  even  the  seventeenth  century  when  various  early  printed  editions 
appeared.  Like  the  story  of  Guy  of  Warwick,  it  doubtless  owed  some 
of  its  popularity  to  national  pride,  but  it  is  a  good  story  in  itself  and 
was  told  three  times  in  French  verse,  even  at  great  length,  to  say 
nothing  of  versions  in  Celtic,  Old  Norse,  Dutch,  Italian,  even  in 
Romanian,  Russian,  and  Yiddish.  The  three  long  French  poems  are 
known  as  the  Continental  versions,  to  distinguish  them  from  an 
early  text  in  the  tradition  of  the  chanson  de  geste,  written  in  Anglo- 
Norman.^ 

Not  only  does  the  popularity  o£  Beves  of  Hampton  justify  any  at- 
tention given  to  the  romance,  but  the  number  of  manuscripts  makes 
a  study  particularly  rewarding.  We  have  few  ways  of  knowing  how 
the  romances  were  written,  and  there  are  few  cases  in  which  the 
author  tells  us  anything  about  himself.  In  rare  instances  a  Thomas 
Chester  or  a  John  Metham  gives  us  his  name,  but,  even  then,  that  is 
about  all  we  know.  Occasionally  we  have  a  hint  or  two  which  let  us 
infer  something  about  his  station  in  life,^  but  the  great  majority  of 
Middle  English  romances  are  anonymous.  Only  when  we  have  the 
chance  survival  of  a  French  version — unfortunately  the  number  is 
not  large — which  the  English  author  follows  so  closely  as  to  leave 
little  doubt  that  it  approximates  his  direct  source  can  we  follow  his 
procedure.  For  most  of  the  English  romances  we  have  only  the  text 
itself  from  which  to  draw  conclusions  or  make  inferences.  When  the 
romance  exists  in  a  unique  manuscript,  as  is  the  case  with  about  half 
of  the  Middle  English  romances,  opinion  is  inevitably  subjective  and 

[15] 


judgment  tentative.  Our  best  hope  of  learning  something  about  how 
romances  achieved  their  existing  form  hes  in  that  small  number  of 
stories  that  enjoyed  widespread  and  continued  popularity  and  there- 
fore survive  in  a  number  of  manuscripts  and  at  times  distinctive 
versions.  Beves  of  Hampton  is  such  a  romance. 

That  the  problem  has  not  been  more  often  studied  by  scholars  is 
probably  due  as  much  as  anything  to  the  character  of  the  editions 
with  which  they  have  had  to  work.  We  must  never  be  ungrateful  to 
scholars  like  Kolbing,  Zupitza,  and  others  who  in  the  nineteenth 
century  edited  the  important  romances  for  the  Early  English  Text 
Society  and  for  other  series.  They  were  careful  and  reliable  workers, 
and  they  provided  us  with  basic  texts  from  which  we  have  all 
profited.  But  they  were  brought  up  in  the  Lachmann  tradition,  and 
in  spite  of  the  great  differences  which  they  encountered  in  the  manu- 
scripts they  were  collating  they  were  conditioned  in  their  thinking 
by  the  practices  that  had  been  developed  in  the  editing  of  classical 
texts.  They  dutifully  recorded  all  variations  from  the  manuscript 
which  they  had  chosen  for  their  basic  text.  The  result  is  a  formidable 
array  of  "variants,"  difficult  to  untangle.  Kolbing  was  not  unaware 
of  the  problem.  In  his  edition  o(  Bei'es  he  says  (intro.,  pp.  xlii-xliii, 
note),  "The  great  discrepancies  between  the  different  mss.  now  and 
then  have  rendered  the  arrangement  of  the  apparatus  very  difficult, 
and  I  am  afraid  that  in  some  pages  it  may  not  be  perspicuous  enough," 
and  he  admits  that  the  variants  for  some  passages  "I  should  arrange 
otherwise  now  than  I  did  eight  years  ago."  It  is  not  surprising  that 
scholars  have  been  deterred  from  attempting  to  interpret  the  evi- 
dence thus  presented. 

But  there  is  a  further  basic  question:  Is  the  Lachmann  procedure 
suitable  for  medieval  vernacular  texts  intended  for  oral  presentation 
and,  as  I  hope  to  show,  sometimes  the  product  of  such  presentation? 
I  am  not  suggesting  that  we  discard  in  toto  the  principles  developed 
by  Lachmann  and  his  successors.  These  principles,  as  I  have  said,  were 
derived  from  the  experience  of  editing  classical  and  Biblical  texts. 
Here  there  was  the  reasonable  presumption  that  the  intention  of  the 
copyist  was  to  produce  an  accurate  copy.  A  Biblical  text  was  pro- 
tected by  the  sanctity  of  the  work,  a  classical  text  by  the  fame  of  the 
author.  One  did  not  try  to  improve  on  Virgil.  Any  changes  made  by 
the  copyist,  if  not  inadvertent,  were  presumably  made  only  to  cor- 

[16] 


rect  what  he  thought  was  a  mistake  in  his  exemplar.  Editors  were 
therefore  mainly  concerned  with  scribal  habits,  with  the  kinds  of 
mistakes  scribes  make  and  the  reasons  behind  them,  with  contamina- 
tion between  manuscripts,  and  other  such  problems.  Such  considera- 
tions have  a  place  in  the  study  of  all  manuscripts,  including  those  of 
romances,  but  in  the  case  of  romances  they  are  not  alone  sufficient. 
Romances  and  other  forms  of  popular  literature  were  not  protected 
by  the  restraints  imposed  by  Biblical  and  classical  texts.  Any  copyist 
would  feel  free,  if  he  had  the  incentive,  to  make  changes  to  suit  his 
fancy.  He  might  condense  or  omit  incidents  which  he  did  not  fmd 
sufficiently  interesting,  might  introduce  or  expand  others,  make 
changes  to  improve  the  wording  or  the  consistency  of  the  story.  In- 
sofar as  he  does  these  things  he  ceases  to  be  a  copyist;  he  becomes  a 
reviser,  a  part  author. 


II 


The  earliest  form  in  which  the  Beves  story  has  come  down  to  us  is 
the  Anglo-Norman  version  previously  mentioned.  It  survives  in  two 
manuscripts,  both  of  them  incomplete.  Fortunately  they  supplement 
each  other.  One  (in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris)  contains  the 
earlier  part,  the  other  (known  as  the  Didot  manuscript)  has  the  end, 
and  there  is  a  portion  in  between  in  which  they  overlap.  In  his 
edition  Stimming  printed  both  texts  (designated  B  and  D)  of  the 
overlapping  portion.  Thus  comparison  is  easy.  I  mention  this  small 
detail  because  an  incorrect  inference  has  been  drawn  from  it.  It  has 
been  somewhat  hastily  assumed  that  Stimming  found  the  differences 
between  the  texts  too  great  to  record  as  variants.  This  can  hardly 
have  been  the  case,  as  comparison  of  the  two  shows. -^  An  occasional 
line  or  two  has  dropped  out  of  one  version  or  the  other,  but  other- 
wise they  correspond  line  by  line.'*  Many  lines  are  entirely  identical, 
and  where  there  are  small  differences  of  wording  they  are  such  as  we 
are  accustomed  to  in  vernacular  texts.  The  evidence  is  adequate,  I 
believe,  to  make  certain  that  we  are  dealing  with  two  manuscripts  of 
the  same  romance  and  not  with  something  that  has  been  pieced  to- 
gether from  fragments  of  two  different  romances.^  It  is  a  reasonable 
inference  that  what  we  have  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  com- 
plete text  of  this  version,  and  we  may  confidently  compare  the  Eng- 
lish versions  with  it. 

[17] 


The  original  English  poem  is  represented  in  five  of  the  surviving 
Beves  manuscripts,  and  though  it  does  not  itself  exist  today,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  five  texts  which  have  come  down  to  us  derive 
from  a  common  original.^  That  the  author  of  this  original  version 
w^as  writing  with  a  copy  of  the  Anglo-Norman  romance  before  him 
I  have  shown  elsewhere.^  He  follows  his  source  quite  faithfully  both 
in  total  plot  and  generally  in  the  sequence  of  episodes.  As  long  as  the 
French  text  is  in  short  monorimed  laisses  (usually  six  lines  each)  the 
English  author  preserves  these  units  in  his  own  six-line  stanzas.  Oc- 
casionally he  may  omit  a  laisse,  or  expand  one  into  two  stanzas,  but  it 
is  surprising  how  well  he  is  able  to  maintain  the  parallel  between 
laisse  and  stanza.  This  is  possible  only  because  he  is  not  attempting  a 
translation.  The  short  lines  of  the  English  poem  (four  stress  and  two 
stress)  would  be  a  serious  handicap  in  any  attempt  at  a  close  render- 
ing. The  English  poet,  even  though  he  sometimes  echoes  the  word- 
ing of  his  source,  is  interested  in  telling  the  story  and  for  the  most 
part  he  expresses  the  idea  of  each  laisse  in  his  own  way. 

Convincing  as  this  laisse-stanza.  parallelism  is,  even  more  sugges- 
tive is  another  formal  feature.  As  Stimming  noted,  the  Anglo-Nor- 
man poem  undergoes  a  metrical  change  after  line  415.  From  this 
point  on  the  laisses  abandon  rime  for  assonance  and  vary  greatly  in 
length.^  Many  are  quite  long,  one  running  to  187  lines.  One  can  only 
speculate  on  the  reason  for  the  change,  and  it  does  not  concern  us. 
What  is  of  importance  to  observe  is  that  at  roughly  the  same  point  in 
the  story  the  English  poem  changes  from  six-line  tail-rime  stanzas  to 
simple  couplets,  and  this  is  the  form  in  which  all  the  rest  of  the  poem 
is  written.  It  is  interesting  confirmation  of  the  English  poet's  de- 
pendence on  his  Anglo-Norman  source.^ 

From  the  point  at  which  the  vAnglo-Norman  version  changes  from 
rime  to  assonance  and  the  English  poem  abandons  the  stanzaic  form 
for  couplets,  the  English  versifier's  procedure  remains  the  same.  He 
continues  to  paraphrase  rather  than  translate,  while  maintaining  his 
fidelity  to  his  source  in  incident  and  idea.  A  short  episode  will  make 
clear  his  practice. ^*^ 

For  some  years  Beves  has  been  in  great  favor  with  the  Saracen 
King  Ermin,  until  it  is  falsely  reported  that  he  has  lain  with  the 
King's  daughter.  Ermin  believes  the  report  and  decides  to  get  rid  of 
Beves.  So  he  sends  him  with  a  letter  to  Brademond,  another  Saracen 

[18] 


king,  who  is  a  suitor  for  his  daughter's  hand.  The  letter  instructs 
Brademond  to  put  Beves  to  death.  I  begin  with  Beves's  arrival  at 
Damascus,  Bradeniond's  capital,  where  he  pauses  long  enough  to 
show  his  disrespect  for  the  pagan  gods  who  are  being  worshipped: 

Beefs  entra  en  la  cite  od  le  corage  fer 
e  dedens  un  temple  oit  il  chaunter, 
kar  paens  furent  eel  jour  Mahun  a  homirer, 
prestres  de  lur  lei  i  out  plus  de  un  miller, 

880    Beefs  entra  en  le  temple,  ke  taunt  fet  a  priser, 
Mahumet  prist  par  le  toup  si  le  comence  a  ruer 
a  un  prestre  de  lur  lei,  ke  il  vist  ileec  ester, 
test  le  col  li  rumpe  si  le  fet  trebocher; 
les  autres  le  virent,  ne  esent  demerrer 

885     e  a  lur  roi  Bradmu«d  tut  alerent  counter: 
que  il  i  out  venu  un  fert  chevaler, 
ke  aveit  fet  lur  Mahun  tretut  debruser. 

Here  is  the  English: 

Fer}?  him  wente  sire  Beueun, 

Til  a  com  to  Dames  teun: 

Abeute  Jje  time  of  middai 

Out  of  a  mameri  a  sai 

Sarasins  come  gret  feiseun, 

Jjat  hadde  aneured  here  Maheun. 

Beues  ef  is  palfrei  ali^te 

And  ran  to  her  mameri  ful  ri3te 

And  sleu3  here  prest  Ipzt  J?er  was  in. 

And  })rew  here  gedes  in  ]>e  fen 

And  leu3  hem  alle  )?er  to  scorn. 

On  ascapede  and  at-ern     [ran] 

In  at  |?e  castel  3ete, 

Ase  Ipe  king  sat  at  }?e  mete. 

'Sire,',  seide  J?is  man  at  J>e  freme, 

'Her  is  iceme  a  cersede  gome, 

}?at  J)rewe}>  our  gedes  in  l?e  fen 

And  slej?  al  cure  men; 

Vnne])e  i  scapede  among  }>at  l?ring, 

Fer  to  bringe  |?e  tiding!'   (1347-1366) 

Some  time  before,  Brademond  had  attempted  to  take  Ermin's  daugh- 
ter Qosian)  by  force.  On  that  occasion  Beves  had  vanquished  him, 

[19] 


sparing  his  life  on  condition  that  he  swear  fealty  to  Ermin.  For  this 
reason  Beves's  arrival  inspires  him  with  fear: 

'Par  Mahun!'  dist  Bradmund,  'lessez  li  ester! 
Ceo  est  Beefs,  mim  seignur.  Jeo  ne  ose  a  li  parler. 
Lessez  li  fere  trestout  soun  voler.'     (888-890) 

The  English  puts  it  more  bluntly: 

Brademond  quakede  at  l?e  bord 

&  seide:  'l^at  is  Beues,  me  lord!'     (1367-1368) 

Beves's  entrance  follows: 

Ceo  jour  out  Bradmund  fet  son  grant  court  asembler, 

en  une  chaere  de  yvori  sist  entre  ses  chevalers 

e  a  taunt  estevus  Boefs  od  le  corage  fer. 

Roi  Bradmund  li  veit  si  comence  a  lever 

e  toust  li  ad  dist:  'Beau  duz  sire  cher, 

bien  seez  vus  venuz,  venez  reposer; 

quele  chose  vus  fist  a  moi  travailer?' 

'Par  mun  chef!'  dist  Boefs,  'jeo  vus  frai  bien  saver, 

lisez  moi  ceo  bref  toust  saunz  demorrer, 

ou  jeo  vus  couperai  la  teste  o  mun  espeie  de  ascer.'     (891-900) 

The  English  omits  Brademond's  courtesies  and  substitutes  a  few 
flippant  ones  on  Beves's  part: 

Beues  wente  in  at  ]?e  castel  ^ate. 

His  hors  he  lefte  l?er  ate 

And  wente  for])  in  to  l^e  halle 

And  grete  hem  in  l?is  maner  alle: 

'God  }?at  made  )?is  world  al  ronde, 

])e  save,  sire  king  Brademond, 

And  ek  alle  J?ine  fere, 

]?at  i  se  now  here. 

And  5if  l?at  ilche  blessing 

LikeJ)  ]?e  ri3t  nol?ing, 

Mahoun,  J?at  is  god  J)in, 

Teruagaunt  &  Apolin, 

l?e  blessi  and  di3te 

Be  alle  here  mi3te! 

Lo  her,  J)e  king  Ermin 

J>e  sente  ]?is  letter  in  parchemin, 

[20] 


And  ase  ]?e  letter  J>e  telle]?  to, 

A  bad,  }?ow  scholdest  swi]?e  do!' 

Beues  kneuled  &  nolde  nou3t  stonde 

&  5af  vp  is  de]>  wij?  is  owene  honde.     (1369-1388) 

Brademond  trembles: 

Kaunt  Bradmund  le  oi,  si  comence  a  trembler  .  .  . 

and  in  English 

Brademond  quakede  al  for  drede  .  .  . 

The  passages  quoted  are  sufficient  to  show  how  the  English  adapter 
went  about  his  work.  He  apparently  read  a  small  group  of  lines  and 
expressed  their  intent  in  his  own  words  and  as  he  visualized  the 
situation — at  least  for  about  half  of  the  romance.  After  that  I  am  not 
so  sure  that  he  had  the  book  open.  For  example,  he  sometimes 
changes  the  order  of  episodes  slightly,  suggesting  that  he  may  have 
been  writing  from  memory.  In  any  case  he  knew  the  story  well. 
Also  he  used  his  judgment  when  to  shorten  or  omit.  For  example, 
when  Beves  and  Terry  have  arranged  for  the  care  of  Josian's  new- 
bom  children  they  arrive  at  a  great  city  (Seville,  but  in  English  the 
kingdom  of  Aumbeforce).  They  learn  the  next  day  of  a  great  estor 
(the  English  calls  it  a  tournament).  Beves  and  Terry,  of  course, 
dominate  it.  In  the  Anglo-Norman  poem  the  celebration  is  barely 
over  when  the  city  is  besieged  by  a  force  of  forty  thousand  men. 
Beves  and  Terry  lead  the  defense  and  drive  off  the  enemy.  Since  the 
English  versions  describe  only  one  of  the  two  contests,  it  would 
seem  that  the  poet  who  first  turned  the  Anglo-Norman  story  into 
English  either  forgot  about  the  second  or  decided  to  omit  it.  To- 
wards the  end  of  the  romance,  especially  in  the  last  quarter  of  it,  the 
English  adapter  showed  a  distinct  tendency  to  condense  longer 
episodes.  A  striking  example  is  the  account  of  the  battle  between 
Yvor  and  King  Ermin,  Josian's  father,  in  which  Beves  plays  a  promi- 
nent part.  Some  270  lines  in  the  Anglo-Norman  romance  (3046- 
3318)  are  reduced  to  88  lines  in  the  longest  English  account. 

There  is  one  thing  to  add.  The  English  romance  that  I  have  been 
speaking  of  contained  three  long  episodes  which  are  not  in  the  Anglo- 
Norman  source.  The  first  (11.  585-738)  tells  us  how  Beves,  riding  un- 
armed beside  a  "water,"  is  joined  by  a  band  of  fifty^^  Saracens  who 

[21] 


taunt  him  with  not  knowing  that  it  is  Christmas  day.  They  want  to 
provoke  a  quarrel,  and,  after  an  exchange  of  defiant  words,  attack 
him.  Akhough  sorely  wounded,  Beves  succeeds  in  snatching  a  sword 
from  one  of  his  attackers  and  ends  by  killing  them  all.  The  episode  is 
nicely  tied  into  the  story  through  Josian,  the  King's  daughter,  who, 
after  the  mamier  of  Saracen  princesses  in  romance,  has  fallen  in  love 
with  the  hero.  She  reconciles  him  to  her  father  and  heals  his  wounds. 
The  second  inserted  episode  (11.  2597-2910)  is  somewhat  longer.  It 
describes  Beves's  fight  with  a  dragon.  Wild  boars  and  dragons  are  not 
unknown  to  the  romances,  but  this  account  has  religious  and  legend- 
ary elements  woven  into  it  that  give  it  a  more  distinctive  character. 
However,  it  is  introduced  without  any  connecting  link  or  transition, 
and  does  not  lead  into  the  succeeding  action.  It  seems  to  be  an  epi- 
sode somewhat  forcefully  injected  and  told  simply  for  its  ov^m  sake. 
The  third  addition  (11.  4287-4538)  relates  the  fight  of  Beves  and  his 
sons  with  the  citizens  of  London.  It  is  the  fmal  episode  of  the  ro- 
mance. Opposition  to  the  hero  has  been  stirred  up  by  the  King's 
steward,  especially  among  the  Londoners,  and  much  fighting  is  nec- 
essary before  Beves  succeeds  in  establishing  his  claim  and  that  of  his 
uncle  Saber  to  their  lands.  Although  the  episode  contains  the  state- 
ment "So  ]?e  frensche  bok  vs  sej>"  (4486),  there  is  no  such  account  in 
the  Anglo-Norman  Beves.  In  spite  of  several  interesting  topographi- 
cal allusions — Westminster,  Cheapside,  Tower  Street,  etc. — it  re- 
mains a  typical  battle  with  the  usual  quota  of  individual  combats. 
The  three  additions  amount  to  over  seven  hundred  lines,  almost  a 
sixth  of  the  whole.  As  I  have  indicated,  they  are  familiar  features  of 
medieval  romance.  Each  recounts  a  battle  or  a  fight.  They  constitute 
a  "theme"  as  the  term  is  used  in  connection  with  the  theory  of  im- 
provisation. Every  jongleur  or  minstrel  is  likely  to  have  had  one  or 
several  such  episodes  in  his  repertoire  and  could  introduce  them  at 
will  in  the  course  of  entertaining  an  audience.  They  were  part  of  his 
stock  in  trade.  But  it  is  fair  also  to  think  that  they  were  coin  of  the 
realm,  available  to  any  composer  or  redactor  of  a  romance.  For  this 
reason  I  find  it  hard  to  say  whether  they  were  included  in  the  original 
form  of  our  English  adaptation  or  were  interpolated  later.  I  see  noth- 
ing in  the  style  to  indicate  that  they  were  not  written  by  the  versifier 
who  made  the  original  adaptation  from  Anglo-Norman,  but  on  the 
other  hand  that  style  would  not  be  beyond  the  capacity  of  an  imita- 

[22] 


tor.  It  doesn't  really  matter.  They  were  certainly  a  part  of  the  earliest 
treatment  of  the  Beves  legend  in  English  because  they  are  in  all  the 
surviving  versions  that  descend  from  it. 


Ill 


In  my  discussion  so  far,  all  the  English  passages  quoted  have  been 
from  the  text  found  in  the  Auchinleck  manuscript.  This  famous 
volume,  belonging  to  the  Advocates  Library,  Edinburgh,  and  now 
in  the  National  Library  of  Scotland,  has  long  been  prized  by  scholars 
for  its  large  and  varied  collection  of  Middle  Enghsh  texts.  It  has 
acquired  additional  interest  since  Laura  Hibbard  Loomis  argued  that 
it  was  the  product  of  a  London  bookshop  and  that  even  Chaucer 
may  have  known  it.^^  It  has  particular  importance  for  students  of 
romance  because  out  of  the  forty-four  items  which  it  still  contains — 
thirteen  other  items  have  been  lost  through  mutilation  at  the  begin- 
ning— eighteen  are  romances.  Some  of  these  are  unique.  Because  of 
its  relatively  early  date^^  it  offers  in  a  number  of  cases  the  earliest 
surviving  text  of  a  romance.  This  is  the  case  with  Beves,  and  Kolbing 
adopted  it  as  his  basic  text.  In  addition,  the  text  of  Beves  is  nearly 
complete — one  leaf  has  been  torn  from  this  part — and  the  language  is 
fairly  consistent. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  the  Auchinleck  Beves  is  a  copy. 
Whether  or  not  this  manuscript  volume  was  put  together  in  a  London 
bookshop,  it  is  clearly  a  compilation,  and  the  scribe  who  copied 
Beves  of  Hampton  copied  a  large  number  of  other  texts  in  the  vol- 
ume.^'* He  was  not  a  faultless  workman;  he  made  a  fair  number  of 
mistakes,  most  of  them  small.  But  they  enable  us,  if  we  study  them, 
to  form  a  pretty  good  idea  of  him  as  a  scribe.  For  example,  he  some- 
times copies  a  word  twice  {him  443,  maide  899,  made  2161),  more 
often  omits  a  word.  Such  mistakes  can  be  found  in  the  work  of  al- 
most any  scribe  and  tell  us  nothing.  But  when  the  omitted  word  is  a 
rime  word  (1288),  or  when  the  omission  spoils  the  sense  (633,  1612, 
2286),  or  when  he  writes  glad  (148)  where  the  syntax  requires 
gladder  (pan) — the  reading  of  the  other  manuscripts — we  may  con- 
clude that  he  was  not  following  closely  the  meaning  of  what  he  was 
writing.  This  inference  is  reinforced  when  we  fmd  him  twice  writing 
ferpe  (91,  133)  for  "first,"^^  and  once  awhamie  (1448)  for  awai 
whamie.  Most  revealing  of  all  for  our  purpose  is  the  fact  that  many  of 

[23  ] 


his  slips  involve  the  omission  of  a  letter,  as  when  he  writes ^or  (501) 
£01  for p,  howe  (785)  for  holwe,  pig  (1262)  for  ping,  ragin  (1673)  for 
raging  in  rime,  hs  (1984)  for  his.  These  and  other  mistakes  suggest  a 
scribe  who  is  copying  mechanically  what  is  before  him,  one  who 
occasionally  allowed  his  attention  to  lapse.  In  other  words,  he  was  a 
copyist,  not  a  reviser  or  redactor. 

If  my  reasoning  is  correct,  I  believe  we  may  feel  fairly  confident 
that  the  scribe  of  the  Auchinleck  Beves  was  attempting  to  copy  ac- 
curately the  text  of  his  exemplar.  We  may  now  ask  ourselves  how 
faithfully  this  text  reflects  the  lost  version  from  which,  as  we  have 
seen,  all  surviving  versions  derive. 

Experience  shows  that  when  we  are  dealing  with  popular  vernac- 
ular works,  especially  works  that  were  recited  orally,  it  would  be 
unrealistic  to  expect  unaltered  transmission.  The  existing  manu- 
scripts o£  Beves  of  Hampton  show  many  differences,  some  involving 
long  passages,  and  it  is  unlikely  that  any  one  of  the  English  versions 
preserves  the  original  adaptation  in  all  its  details.  Minor  incidents  or 
unessential  features  may  be  preserved  in  one  version  and  be  missing 
in  the  others.  I  say  "preserved"  because  any  such  incident,  if  sup- 
ported by  the  Anglo-Norman  source,  was  presumably  in  the  com- 
mon original.  Omissions  are  as  likely  to  have  occurred  in  the  Auchin- 
leck exemplar  as  in  any  other  version,  and  in  some  cases  can,  I  think, 
be  identified.  Thus,  before  Beves  is  carried  off  to  Brademond's 
prison,  where,  he  is  told,  he  will  have  only  bread  and  water,  he  is 
served  as  a  messenger  one  good  meal  in  the  Anglo-Norman  poem 
and  in  the  English  version  represented  by  two  manuscripts  (5  and 
N).  It  is  not  found  in  the  Auchinleck  text.  I  have  called  attention 
above  to  the  tendency  of  the  first  English  Beves  romance  to  shorten 
some  of  the  episodes  in  the  latter  part  of  its  source.  The  example  I 
have  cited  is  the  episode  in  which  Beves  is  reconciled  to  his  father- 
in-law  and  leads  his  forces  against  Yvor.  Fortunately  this  episode  is 
preserved  in  the  defective  Caius  College  MS.  [E)  and  the  three  other 
manuscripts  (5,  N,  C)  usually  associated  with  it.  This  88-line  account 
preserves  over  a  dozen  significant  features  of  the  Anglo-Norman 
text,  and  presumably  represents  the  approximate  form  of  the  episode 
in  the  original  Beves.  In  the  Auchinleck  text  it  is  replaced  by  a  bare 
summary  (32  lines)  of  the  essential  facts. 

There  is  reason  to  suspect  that  the  exemplar  from  which  the 

[24] 


Auchinleck  text  was  copied  contained  an  occasional  expansion  or 
interpolation.  An  example  may  be  found  in  the  account  of  Josian's 
capture  by  Saracens  immediately  after  she  has  given  birth  to  twin 
boys  and  is  being  taken  back  to  her  unwanted  husband,  King  Yvor 
(3647-3708).  As  Auchinleck  tells  it,  Josian  tricks  Ascopard,  her  cap- 
tor, into  letting  her  withdraw  into  the  woods  to  do  her  "nedes."^^ 
There  she  eats  an  herb  which  causes  her  in  a  little  while  to  take  on  the 
appearance  of  a  leper.  As  a  consequence,  when  she  is  taken  before 
Yvor  he  is  horrified  and  banishes  her  to  a  castle  five  miles  away, 
guarded  by  Ascopard.  In  this  way  she  escapes  Yvor's  embraces. 
Later  in  the  story  she  is  rescued  from  her  quarantine  by  Saber.  The 
incident  runs  to  sixty  lines.  There  is  no  such  episode  in  the  Anglo- 
Norman  romance.  Indeed,  the  latter  is  quite  unsatisfactory  here, 
dismissing  Josian's  capture  in  four  lines.  Nor  does  it  appear  in  any  of 
the  other  English  versions,  each  of  which  substitutes  a  single  couplet. 
It  does  not  seem  likely  that  so  excellent  an  episode  would  be  rejected 
by  all  versions  except  Auchinleck  or  by  the  tradition  to  which  they 
belong,  had  it  been  in  the  original  Enghsh  adaptation. 

However,  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  conclude  from  an  occasional 
omission  or  addition  such  as  those  mentioned  that  the  Auchinleck 
version  is  not  a  fairly  faithful  reflection  of  the  original  English  ro- 
mance. Moreover,  such  a  conclusion  would  ignore  the  overwhelm- 
ing extent  to  which  it  agrees,  in  both  large  and  small  matters,  with 
one  or  all  of  the  other  versions,  both  when  the  English  romances  are 
supported  by  the  Anglo-Norman  text  and  when  they  differ  from  it. 
Where  Auchinleck  differs  from  the  other  English  versions  there  are 
occasional  instances  in  which  it  seems  likely  that  the  Auchinleck  text 
is  faithful  to  the  original  English  adaptation.  At  line  1283  an  episode 
begins  which  tells  how  Terry,  Saber's  son,  has  been  sent  out  to  seek 
Beves,  who  has  not  been  heard  of  since  he  was  sold  as  a  child  to 
Saracen  merchants.  Beves  comes  upon  Terry,  dressed  as  a  palmer  and 
having  his  dinner  under  a  tree.  Beves  shares  the  palmer's  meal,  after 
which  they  talk.  The  palmer  asks  his  new  acquaintance  whether  he 
has  ever  heard  of  Beves  of  Hampton.  The  conversation  is  expanded 
by  some  sixty  lines  in  SN  and  C  {E  has  lost  leaves  at  this  point) .  This 
and  the  Auchinleck  account  are  entirely  different.  Moreover,  in  an- 
swer to  Terry's  question  the  Auchinleck  version  has  Beves  say  that  he 
saw  the  child  hanged  not  long  before.  It  is  a  cruel  misstatement,  but 

[25] 


follows  the  Anglo-Norman  version  exactly,  whereas  in  SN  and  C 
Beves  says  that  he  knows  the  young  man  well  and  dined  with  him 
quite  recently.  In  short,  the  Auchinleck  text  agrees  closely  with  the 
Anglo-Norman  here,  and  presumably  preserves  the  original  English 
form  of  the  incident. 

The  conclusion  to  which  I  have  come  is  that  the  version  in  the 
Auchinleck  manuscript,  in  spite  of  occasional  departures  from  its 
ultimate  source,  still  remains  closest  to  that  source.  I  believe  it  is  safe 
to  use  it  as  a  touchstone  in  the  study  of  the  other  versions  so  long  as 
its  evidence  is  not  contradicted  by  the  Anglo-Norman  text. 

IV 

Besides  the  Auchinleck  MS.  four  other  manuscripts  show  the  same 
change  from  six-line  stanzas  to  couplets  at  approximately  the  same 
point.  These  are  C,  E,  S,  and  N  as  listed  above.  ^^  Kolbing  rightly 
recognized  that  these  five  manuscripts  derive  from  the  original  Beves 
version  by  two  lines  of  descent  which  he  designates  x  and  y.  The 
Auchinleck  MS.  falls  under  x;  the  other  four  manuscripts  in  my 
opinion  are  descended  from  y.^^  These  four  share  hundreds  of  com- 
mon readings  and  larger  features,  but  since  they  also  have  individual 
idiosyncrasies,  it  is  best  to  consider  them  separately. 

We  may  begin  by  considering  two  manuscripts  which  present 
closely  related  texts.  As  Kolbing  recognized,  they  derive  from  a 
common  source  intermediate  between  them  and  the  original  Eng- 
lish version.  These  are  the  Duke  of  Sutherland  (5)  and  the  Naples 
(N)  manuscripts.  It  would  be  useless  to  take  space  here  to  demon- 
strate what  a  brief  inspection  of  the  variants  recorded  by  Kolbing 
makes  obvious.  These  manuscripts  agree  in  hundreds  of  small  dif- 
ferences from  the  Auchinleck  text.  They  also  drop  out  the  same  lines 
and  at  times  add  the  same  uninspired  couplet.  They  alone  continue 
the  tail-rime  stanza  somewhat  beyond  the  point  at  which  the  Au- 
chinleck version  changes  to  couplets.  The  effort  seems  to  be  half- 
hearted. The  added  tail  lines  consist  of  such  cliches  as  wip  out  delay. 
Dame  y  pe  pray,  Sone  anoon,  pat  were  his  foon,  which  add  little  or 
nothing.  Both  manuscripts  soon  give  up  the  struggle,  but  add  four 
tail-rime  stanzas  after  line  508.  It  is  obvious  that  S  and  Nare  a  closely 
related  pair,  and  for  convenience  we  may  speak  of  them,  or  their 
lost  parent,  as  SN. 

[.6] 


Not  all  of  the  differences  which  separate  5Nfrom  the  Auchinleck 
text  are  to  be  attributed  to  the  redactor  of  this  version.  Many  of  them 
are  shared  by  C  (and  possibly  by  the  lost  portions  of  £).  In  other 
words  they  were  already  in  y,  the  lost  text  from  which  ESNC  de- 
scend, which  appears  to  have  retold  in  its  own  words  many  passages 
which  seem  better  related  in  the  Auchinleck  version.  One  short 
example  may  illustrate  the  point: 

Auchinleck  SNC 

And  lesu  Crist,  J>at  sit  in  heuene,  l^rouje  his  prayers,  as  y  30W  telle, 

Wei  herde  J?at  ermites  steuene  J)e  dragons  myjt  no  lenger  dweUe, 

And  grauntede  him  is  praiere.  But  flowen  in  to  a  nother  londe 

Anon  ])e  dragouns  bo}>e  ifere  And  deden  niuche  shame  and  shonde; 

Toke  here  flijt  and  flowe  awai,  Fro  Tuskan  in  to  Lumbardy, 

]?ar  neuer  eft  man  hem  ne  sai.  }>ere  dide  l?ey  muche  vilony; 

l?at  on  flej  anon  wi}>  J)an,  ]?at  00  dragon  swythe  soone 

Til  a  com  to  Toscan.  Fleyje  into  J>e  contrey  of  Roome, 

l?at  ojjer  dragoun  is  flijt  nome  And  fleyj  vnder  Petyrs  brygge. 

To  seinte  Peter  is  brige  of  Rome;  And  l?ere  he  hthe,  as  y  30W  sygge.^^ 

]?ar  he  schel  leggen  ay, 

Til  hit  come  domes  dai.     (2633-2644) 

The  character  of  the  SN  version  would  be  still  clearer  if  space  per- 
mitted showing  in  a  similar  way  a  passage  of  some  two  hundred 
lines  corresponding  to  lines  1263-1410  in  the  Auchinleck  text.  This 
relates  the  meeting  between  Beves  and  Terry  which  I  have  discussed 
above. 

The  conventional  way  to  account  for  such  a  version  is  to  attribute 
the  changes  to  a  scribe.  This  was  Kolbing's  method.  He  suggested 
that  the  passages  that  "don't  show  any  resemblance  to  A"  were 
"parts  of  another  independent  translation,^^  or  simply  the  work  of 
copyists,  who  now  and  then  felt  themselves  inspired  to  play  the  poet, 
and  compose  a  new  scene. "^^  Such  an  explanation  sounds  plausible 
until  we  examine  some  of  the  hundreds  of  changes  to  be  accounted 
for.  What  reason,  it  is  fair  to  ask,  could  a  scribe  have  for  rewriting  a 
line  or  couplet  in  such  cases  as  the  following: 

Auchinleck  SN 

Gladder  icham  for  l^at  sawe  I  am  gladder  y  J)e  say 

J)an  ]?e  fouel  whan  hit  ginne}?  dawe.  J?an  eny  tonge  tel  may. 

[27] 


Auchinleck 

Him  self  was  fel  and  kou}?e  £316, 
No  man  sle  him  ne  mijte. 

An  hauberk  him  broujte  l?at  mai 

(maid) 

Non  egge  tol  mijte  it  noujt  paire 
[par  arme  trenchaunt  ne  poeit  estre  empire] 

Hire  self  jaf  him  water  to  hond 
And  sette  be-fore  him  al  is  sonde 
[dish  of  food) 

Now  is  Beues  at  l?is  petes  (pit's) 

grounde: 
God  bringe  him  vp  hoi  and  sonde ! 

He  let  sende  wij?  outen  ensoine  (delay) 
After  ])e  soudan  of  Babiloine. 

And,  for  is  meisters  wer  boJ>e  ded, 
J?re  daies  after  he  ne  et  no  bred. 


J?ar  was  a  king  in  Poyle  londe 
And  ano}?er  in  Calabre,  ich 
vnderstonde.22 


SN 

Him  self  Jjat  boor  was  fel  of  syjt. 
No  man  durst  with  him  fyjt. 

And  his  hamberk  ]?at  ilk  day 

}?er  myjt  nothing  apaire 

She  jaf  him  water  to  his  hond 
And  made  him  glad  semblande 

Now  is  he  in  ]>e  petes  grounde 
God  bringe  him  out  for  his  wound 
[Note:  Beves  has  not  been  wounded] 

He  let  sende  hastely  J?an 

To  Babeloyn  after  ])e  sowdan. 

Jjo  hys  wardeynys  were  ded 
J)re  daies  had  he  no  meete 
Ne  no  drynke  he  ne  dronke, 
And  ]>o  him  J^oujt  his  lyf  to  longe. 

J?ar  was  a  king  in  Calabere 
Anojjer  in  Poyle  with  oute  fable. 


In  these  samples  the  changes  in  the  SN  version  cannot  be  judged 
improvements;  in  several  they  substitute  a  more  banal  idea;  one  does 
violence  to  the  facts;  some  ignore  the  rime.  It  is  well  to  keep  in  mind 
a  scribe's  occupation.  A  scribe  qua  scribe  performs  the  same  function 
as  is  later  performed  by  a  printer.  He  makes  additional  copies  of  texts. 
Unless  he  is  making  a  copy  for  his  own  use,  or  is  a  member  of  a 
religious  house,  he  is  a  workman  being  paid  for  his  labor.  He  may 
make  mistakes,  may  be  careless,  may  be  subject  to  distractions  or 
lapses  of  attention,  may  even  attach  little  importance  to  strict  ac- 
curacy. Or,  if  he  is  a  conscientious  scribe  and  takes  pride  in  his  work, 
if  he  is  intelligent  and  has  his  mind  on  what  he  is  doing,  he  may  cor- 
rect small  faults  that  he  notices  in  his  exemplar,  even  make  small 
improvements.  But  if  he  is  human,  he  will  not  make  extra  work  for 
himself  It  is  much  easier  to  copy  what  is  before  him — that  is,  if  he 
thinks  of  himself  as  a  scribe. 

That  being  the  case,  making  changes  which  require  searching  for  a 

[28] 


new  rime  word,  and  often  recasting  the  line,  implies  a  greater  effort. 
The  effort,  of  course,  is  justified  when  it  results  in  an  improvement 
of  sense  or  expression.  In  the  text  under  consideration  this  is  often 
not  the  case.  Consider  the  following: 

Auchinkck  SN 

Deliure  a  J)ef  fro  ]?e  galwe  Deliure  a  ]?ef  fro  J?e  wi}?  (noose) 

He  ]>e  hatef?  after  be  aUe  halwe!  And  he  wol  do  J>e  shame  sy}?. 

Ne  scheltow  haue  til  l?ow  be  ded,  fjou  shalt  haue  euery  day  sekerlyche 

Boute  ech  a  dai  quarter  of  a  lof  bred;        A  sauser  ful  of  soden  barlyche; 

NafJeles,  now  it  is  so,  'Alias,'  she  seide,  'now  is  no  boote, 

Hire  fader  wil  jhe  moste  do  But  after  my  ffader  doon  y  moote.' 

After  losian  is  cristing  Now  losian  hath  hir  fals  goddes  forsake 

Beues  dede  a  gret  fisting  And  Beues  haj>  a  grete  bataile  take. 

To  Westmenster  whan  he  com  ]?an,  When  }?ey  to  J>e  cite  com  were, 

A  fond  Ipe  king  and  mani  man.^^  King  Edgar  j?ey  fonde  J>ere. 

It  is  worth  noting  that  in  one  other  couplet  the  change  results  not 
only  in  a  bad  rime  but  loses  track  of  the  situation.  When  Brademond 
is  about  to  order  Beves  seized  he  bids  his  followers  rise  as  if  showing 
courtesy  to  the  stranger,  and  he  himself  seemingly  shakes  hands  with 
him.  His  real  purpose  is  to  prevent  Beves  from  drawing  his  sword, 
as  both  the  Anglo-Norman  and  the  Auchinleck  versions  make  clear. 
In  the  following  couplets  SN  obviously  misses  the  point: 

Auchinleck  SN 

Alle  hii  gormen  vp  rijt  stonde,  Bradmond  toke  Beues  be  l?e  honde, 

&  Brademond  tok  Beues  be  l?e  honde.      Him  to  slee  with  muche  wronge. 
(1399-1400) 

In  all  these  cases,  if  we  think  of  the  redactor  as  a  scribe,  he  has  gone  to 
extra  trouble  to  produce  an  inferior  result. 

The  SN  exemplar  was  patently  a  new  or  different  redaction  from 
the  version  represented  by  the  Auchinleck  text.  The  only  question  is. 
How  was  it  produced?  Now  I  do  not  deny  that  a  redactor  could  be  a 
man  with  a  pen  in  his  hand.  As  such,  we  must  believe  that  his  object 
would  be  to  produce  an  improved  version  of  the  story.  With  a  text 
before  him,  at  a  time  when  the  word  "plagiarism"  did  not  exist  and 
even  the  idea  was  largely  unformed,  he  was  free  to  retain  whatever 
was  good.  In  making  changes  he  could  stop  and  reflect,  choose  his 

[29] 


words,  file  and  polish.  But  if  we  ask  ourselves  whether  the  redaction 
under  consideration  reflects  such  a  procedure,  our  answer  must  be 
that  it  does  not.  In  a  romance  of  nearly  forty-five  hundred  lines,  less 
than  a  third  of  the  lines  remain  unchanged;  we  would  expect  a  larger 
proportion.  Couplets  and  longer  passages  drop  out,  many  of  which 
seem  to  the  modern  reader  desirable.  And  many  of  the  changes  spoil 
the  meter,  sometimes  the  rime,  substitute  a  cliche  or  a  banality  for  an 
idea  well  expressed.  I  believe  there  is  a  more  satisfactory  explanation. 
It  is  now  more  than  forty  years  since  Milman  Parry  alerted  us  to 
the  possibility  that  the  Homeric  poems  were  at  least  in  part  the 
product  of  oral  improvisation.  The  idea  has  been  applied  to  the 
chansons  de  geste,  to  Beowulf,  and  to  other  compositions  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages.  The  theory  has  been  much  debated,  and  it  is  not  my 
intention  to  enter  the  debate  here,  especially  as  I  have  elsewhere 
considered  at  some  length  the  extent  to  which  the  theory  is  applica- 
ble to  the  Middle  English  romances. ^"^  The  conclusion  that  I  reached 
was  that  the  romances  were  not  composed  in  the  act  of  recitation, 
that  behind  the  poem  stands  the  poet.  But  I  also  argued  that  as  the 
romances  came  to  be  recited  by  minstrels  or  disours  or  gestours  they 
were  constantly  subject  to  change,  that  when  the  performer's  mem- 
ory failed  he  was  forced  to  fall  back  on  extemporizing  or  improvis- 
ing. Under  the  circumstances,  the  results  often  reflect  urgency  and  at 
their  worst  suggest  desperation.  The  text  of  Beves  of  Hampton  pre- 
served in  the  Sutherland  and  Naples  manuscripts  is  an  outstanding 
example  of  a  version  produced  in  this  way. 


Two  other  manuscripts  complete  the  group  of  versions  which 
begin  with  tail-rime  stanzas  and  change  to  couplets.  Of  these,  that  in 
the  hbrary  of  Caius  College,  Cambridge,  which  Kolbing  designated 
E,  is  fairly  early.  It  dates  from  the  second  half  of  the  fourteenth 
century.  Unfortunately,  because  of  the  lost  leaves  which  I  have  had 
occasion  to  mention  several  times,  only  about  half  of  the  romance  is 
preserved.  Nevertheless  enough  remains  to  establish  its  affiliation.  It 
belongs  to  the  same  tradition  [y)  that  produced  the  sister  manuscripts 
{SN)  which  I  have  just  considered.  This  is  immediately  apparent 
from  the  large  number  of  instances  in  which  E  and  SN  agree  in 
readings  that  depart  from  the  text  in  the  Auchinleck  manuscript.  But 

[30] 


this  is  not  the  whole  story.  There  is  abundant  evidence  that  £  is  a 
different  recension.  There  are  many  couplets  and  longer  passages  in 
which  E  goes  its  own  way,  passages  which  depart  from  SNas  well  as 
from  the  Auchinleck  version.  Some  of  these  are  added  couplets. 
Generally  they  are  obvious  additions.  After  line  2006  E  adds  poo 
spak  pe  kny-zf  pere  pat  he  stood  /  To  sere  Beues  wip  mylde  mood.  Again, 
at  line  3304  £  adds  Here  hegynnip  a  newe  paas:  /  Lystnip  lordyngys 
how  it  was\  At  lines  2093-2094  Auchinleck  reads  A  pou^te  pat  he 
wolde  er  pan  j  Wende  aboute  pe  barbican.  For  this  E  substitutes  He  T^ede 
aboutefaste  wip  alle  /  And  beheeld  pe  castel  walk.  The  alteration  forces 
the  redactor  to  fmd  a  new  pair  of  rime  words,  for  which  he  falls  back 
on  a  c\\c\i€faste  wip  alle.  It  is  found  nowhere  else.  At  lines  3487-3490 
E  substitutes  four  lines  involving  two  new  pairs  of  rime  words.  But 
the  most  telling  evidence  of  independent  composition  is  found  in 
several  passages  which  paraphrase  the  ideas  expressed  in  other  ver- 
sions, without  resulting,  it  may  be  said,  in  any  improvement.  These 
passages  run  from  a  half  dozen  to  a  hundred  lines  each.  I  select  a 
typical  passage  (36  lines).  It  is  too  long  to  quote  in  full  (1645-1680), 
but  a  dozen  lines  at  the  beginning  will  be  enough  to  illustrate  the 
point: 

Auchinleck  E 

To  lesu  Crist  he  bed  a  bone,  'Now,  lesu,  jyfFit  be  }?y  wyUe, 

And  he  him  grauntede  wel  sone;  Sende  me  mete  &  drynk  my  fFylle! 

So  jerne  he  gan  to  lesu  speke,  Lord,'  sayde  B.  wi}?  stedeffast  Jjoujt, 

}?at  his  vetres  gonne  breke  'J)ou  madyst  al  l?is  world  ofFnou3t 

And  of  is  medel  l?e  grete  ston.  As  weel  Jewys  as  crystene  men, 

lesu  Crist  he  Jjankede  anon;  .  .  .  And  I  am  here  amonges  hem. 

But  I  woot  }?ou  woost  alle  }>yng, 
Al  my  nede  and  my  pynyng: 
]?enk  on  me  ])zt  lygge  ibounde 
Here  among  Jjese  he|?ene  hounde ! 
Soo  wel  I  woot,  l?at  }?ou,  lord,  my3t!' 
J>e  ston  aboute  hys  myddyl  bryjt 
Al  tobrak  &  hys  bondys  al  soo; 
lesu  Cryst  he  J)ankyd  Jjoo  .  .  . 

Other  examples  include  1691-1720  and  3597-3614,  but  the  reader 
will  find  many  more  printed  among  Kolbing's  variants.  One  camiot 
conceive  of  these  as  the  gratuitous  labor  of  a  scribe.  Space  does  not 
permit  the  further  demonstration  of  the  character  of  the  changes  in 

[31  ] 


E.  From  those  cited  it  can  be  seen  that  the  observations  already  made 
concerning  the  text  from  which  S  and  N  were  copied  apply  equally 
to  the  recension  represented  by  this  manuscript.  The  only  conclu- 
sion, I  believe,  that  fits  all  the  facts  is  that  the  Caius  College  manu- 
script is  the  record  of  the  Beves  story  as  told  by  a  minstrel  reciting 
from  memory  and  unconsciously  altering  and  improvising  in  the 
course  of  his  recital. 

The  last  of  the  versions  to  be  considered  is  the  paper  manuscript  in 
the  Cambridge  University  Library.  I  shall  follow  Kolbing's  practice 
and  speak  of  it  as  C.  It  is  in  some  ways  the  most  difficult  text  in  the 
group  to  place,  and  its  proper  consideration  would  carry  us  far  be- 
yond the  limits  of  this  paper.  For  example,  while  it  belongs  to  what 
we  may  call  the  tail-rime  group,  its  handling  of  the  stanza  is  quite 
perfunctory.  It  omits  a  number  of  stanzas,  replaces  one  by  two,  and 
changes  many  lines,  some  of  them  at  the  expense  of  the  meaning. 
The  redactor  of  C  had  a  poor  ear;  at  least  he  was  not  offended  by 
lines  with  too  many  feet  and  other  irregularities.  Nor  was  he  trou- 
bled when  his  changes  resulted  in  bad  rimes:  he  :  blis  (63/66),  moon  : 
name  (141/144),  swerde  ifelde  (201/204),  yoye  :  crie  (213/216),  lefe  : 
grete  (279/2^2),  feythe  :  goyth  (375/378).  All  these  involve  tail  lines, 
but  there  are  others  in  simple  couplets.  In  attributing  these  deficiencies 
to  the  redactor  of  CI  am  influenced  by  certain  considerations.  All  the 
variants  recorded  by  Kolbing  are  naturally  departures  from  his  basic 
text,  the  Auchinleck  MS.  In  those  that  are  not  peculiar  to  C  the  agree- 
ment is  most  often  with  SN  or  with  either  S  or  N.  The  closeness  of 
C  and  SN  is  not  recognized  in  Kolbing's  stemma,  but  the  evidence 
seems  to  me  overwhelming.  Now,  all  of  the  weaknesses  to  which  I 
have  pointed,  and  I  could  give  many  more  examples,  involve  changes 
in  which  C  stands  alone  and  therefore  caimot  be  blamed  on  SN  or 
with  any  probability  on  a  common  ancestor.  But  there  is  still  manu- 
script E,  which  lacks  most  of  the  stanzaic  part  of  the  romance.  There- 
fore we  cannot  be  sure  that  some  of  C's  vagaries  might  not  have 
been  found  as  well  in  E.  I  can  only  say  that  in  the  stanzaic  portion 
that  is  preserved  in  E  (11.  1-113,  437-474)  there  are  no  significant 
agreements  and  there  are  several  striking  divergences.  In  the  light  of 
these  various  considerations  I  am  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  C  is 
the  product  of  a  redactor  who  was  easily  satisfied  or  was  of  very 
mediocre  ability. 

[32] 


But  C  still  presents  many  problems,  and  I  hasten  to  add  that  in 
considering  them  we  cannot  dismiss  the  Caius  manuscript  (£)  merely 
because  it  does  not  throw  much  light  on  the  stanzaic  portion  of  the 
romance.  When  the  text  of  £  once  more  becomes  available  towards 
the  end  of  the  stanzaic  portion  we  have  a  stretch  of  over  three  hun- 
dred lines  for  comparison.  Here,  and  in  later  sections  of  this  manu- 
script, there  are  individual  readings  and  some  groups  of  lines  which 
it  shares  with  the  Cambridge  University  version  we  are  considering. 
They  are  easily  identified  among  Kolbing's  variants  by  the  symbol 
EC.  They  vary  not  only  from  the  Auchinleck  readings  but  differ 
also  from  the  readings  of  SN,  or  the  common  ancestor  of  this  pair  of 
manuscripts.  One  is  tempted  to  look  upon  these  EC  readings  as 
aberrant,  the  departures  of  some  teller  of  the  tale  from  the  main 
tradition  of  the  group.  I  think  that  this  is  generally  the  case,  but  not 
invariably  so.  Occasionally  E  and  C  remain  close  to  the  Auchinleck 
version  while  SN  goes  off  on  its  own.  In  any  case,  while  C  and  E 
both  go  their  own  way  at  times,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  where 
they  agree  against  SN  and  remain  closer  to  the  Auchinleck  version 
they  represent  an  older  tradition,  and  this  belief  is  supported  by  the 
many  instances  in  which  E,  SN,  and  C  all  agree  against  Auchinleck 
and  thus  reflect  a  common  ancestor. 

The  version  in  the  Cambridge  manuscript  is  clearly  a  separate 
redaction,  and  I  am  unable  to  believe  that  its  redactor  was  writing  it 
from  a  text  before  him.  He  was  clearly  telling  the  story  from  mem- 
ory, a  very  inexact  memory,  and  falling  back  on  improvisation 
where  his  memory  failed  him.^^ 

It  is  not  necessary  to  my  purpose  to  consider  in  detail  the  two 
texts  which  tell  the  story  entirely  in  couplets,  one  preserved  in  a 
Chetham  Library  manuscript  (M),  the  other  in  an  early  printed  edi- 
tion by  Wynkyn  de  Worde  (O).  Kolbing's  edition  is  here  difficult  to 
work  with,  since  he  prints  parts  of  each  in  full  and  records  other 
parts  as  variants.  I  am  convinced  that  they  do  not  represent  a  new 
translation  from  the  Anglo-Norman  (Kolbing's  view),  but  descend 
ultimately  from  the  same  original  adaptation  in  English  which  gives 
us  all  our  other  versions.  The  only  observation  that  is  of  importance 
for  the  present  paper  is  that  they  are  a  complete  retelling  of  the  story, 
and  this  no  one  can  doubt.  To  say  whether  they  represent  one  retelling 
or  two  would  require  extensive  comparison. 

[33] 


Since  the  foregoing  study  involves  much  detail,  and  I  fear  the 
exposition  has  been  at  times  tedious,  it  may  be  well  to  summarize  the 
conclusions  reached.  The  first  English  romance  o(  Beves  of  Hampton 
was  a  fairly  faithful  adaptation  of  the  Anglo-Norman  Boeve  de 
Haumton.  It  is  known  only  from  its  descendants,  but  all  the  existing 
versions  represented  by  six  manuscripts  and  one  early  printed  text 
were  derived  from  it.  Of  these,  that  preserved  in  the  Auchinleck 
manuscript  is  the  earliest  and  generally  speaking  the  best.  The  other 
four  manuscripts  which  preserve  the  original  metrical  form  contain 
three  separate  redactions  (£,  SN,  and  C).  I  have  tried  to  show  that 
their  idiosyncrasies  cannot  be  attributed  to  errors  of  a  copyist  or 
mere  scribal  alteration.  They  can  only  be  accounted  for  plausibly  on 
the  theory  that  they  represent  in  each  case  a  version  as  recited  by  a 
minstrel  or  disonr,  one  who  was  reciting  from  memory  and,  where 
his  memory  failed  him,  resorting  to  improvisation.  The  version  or 
versions  entirely  in  couplets  are  patently  new  tellings.  Instead  of 
speaking  of  a  single  Middle  Enghsh  romance  o£  Beves  of  Hampton  it 
would  be  more  in  accordance  with  the  facts  to  say  that  we  have  at 
least  five  versions,  each  of  which  is  entitled  to  be  considered  a 
separate  romance. 


NOTES 

1.  The  English  versions  are  available  in  the  edition  of  Eugen  Kolbing  {EETSES, 
XL VI,  XLViii,  Lxv)  published  between  1885  and  1894.  The  Continental  versions 
were  edited  by  Albert  Stimming  in  the  series  pubhshed  by  the  Dresden  Gesell- 
schaft  fiir  romanische  Literatur,  vols.  25,  30,  34,  41-42.  The  Anglo-Norman 
text  was  also  edited  by  Stimming  from  two  manuscripts  in  the  Bibliotheca 
Normamiica,  vol.  vii. 

2.  I  have  discussed  some  of  these  in  my  paper  on  "The  Authorship  of  the  Middle 
Enghsh  Romances,"  Annual  Bull,  of  the  Modern  Humanities  Research  Association, 
No.  22  (1950),  and  see  "The  Middle  Enghsh  Romance:  Some  Questions  of 
Creation,  Presentation,  and  Preservation,"  Speculum,  XLn  (1967),  esp.  8-9. 

3.  The  extra  space  required  to  print  the  two  texts  in  full  is  only  eight  pages. 

4.  For  example,  MS.  B  omits  five  hnes  (930-934),  but  since  the  hnes  immediately 
before  and  after  the  omission  begin  with  A  manger,  it  is  probable  that  the  eye  of 
the  copyist  jumped  from  one  to  the  other,  a  common  phenomenon.  Stimming 
suggests  that  the  omitted  hnes  are  an  interpolation  in  MS.  D.  Some  of  the 
variants  in  MS.  D  suggest  the  kind  of  substitution  that  occurs  in  reciting  from 
memory,  but  I  do  not  stress  the  point.  An  illustration  would  be  the  corruption 


[34] 


of  proper  names  {Boefs  :  Boves,  Bradmund  :  Brandon,  Grminder  :  GatUer,  etc.). 
Stimming  attributes  all  these  to  the  scribe,  an  explanation  which  I  find  hard  to 
accept. 

5.  This  was  also  Stimming's  opinion  (intro.  p.  cxlix). 

6.  Since  I  shall  have  firequent  occasion  to  refer  to  these,  I  hst  them  here  for  con- 
venient reference: 

A:  Auchinleck  MS.  (Edinburgh) 
C:  University  Library,  Cambridge 

E:  Caius  College,  Cambridge 
N:  Royal  Library,  Naples 

S:  Duke  of  Sutherland  (now  Egerton  2862) 

In  addition,  there  are  the  versions  entirely  in  couplets,  preserved  in: 

M:  Chetham  Library,  Manchester 

O:  Early  printed  text  by  Wynkyn  de  Worde 

7.  See  Proc.  of  the  Amer.  Philos.  Soc,  cm  (1959),  esp.  431-432.  Of  course,  I  do  not 
assume  that  the  manuscript  which  he  had  was  identical  with  either  of  the  frag- 
ments that  have  been  preserved.  But  it  could  not  have  been  very  different. 

8.  Since  this  change  occurs  about  one-third  of  the  way  through  MS.  B,  it  obvi- 
ously has  no  bearing  on  the  relation  between  the  two  fragments  in  which  the 
text  has  been  preserved. 

9.  I  have  aheady  pointed  this  out  in  the  article  in  the  Proc.  of  the  Amer.  Philos. 
Soc,  above  mentioned. 

10.  I  omit  no  hues  from  either  version.  The  practice  of  quoting  only  lines  which 
show  close  correspondence,  even  though  it  saves  a  little  space,  can  be  mislead- 
ing and  does  not  inspire  confidence. 

11.  The  Auchinleck  MS.  siLysfiftcne,  but  this  is  doubtless  an  error.  All  the  other 
manuscripts  read  sixty,  and  later  in  the  episode  the  Auchinleck  also  speaks  of 
fifty  in  the  group. 

12.  The  articles  by  Mrs.  Loomis  are  most  conveniently  found  reprinted  in  Adven- 
tures in  the  Middle  Ages:  A  Memorial  Collection  of  Essays  and  Studies  (New  York, 
1962). 

13.  The  Auchinleck  MS.  was  almost  certainly  written  in  the  decade  1330-1340  or 
soon  thereafter.  The  latest  datable  allusions  in  it  are  to  the  death  of  Edward  II 
(1327)  and  a  prayer  for  "our  gong  king"  (Edward  III).  It  may  not  be  inappro- 
priate to  observe,  in  view  of  what  we  have  to  say  later,  that  in  spite  of  Chau- 
cer's low  opinion  of  romances,  and  whatever  may  have  been  their  status  at  the 
end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  at  the  time  of  his 
birth  they  still  enjoyed  substantial  popularity.  The  Auchinleck  MS.  is  not  a 
de  luxe  production,  but  it  must  have  involved  considerable  cost  to  the  book- 
seller who  made  it,  and  whether  he  put  it  together  to  fill  an  order  or  kept  it  as  a 
sample  book  from  which  copies  could  be  made,  there  must  have  been  a  de- 
mand for  the  kind  of  material  in  it. 

14.  Five  different  hands  have  been  recognized  in  the  manuscript.  The  Beves  is  in 
the  hand  of  scribe  a. 

[35] 


15-  The  first  of  May  was  the  day  set  in  the  plot  to  murder  Beves's  father.  At  Hne 
175  he  says  (correctly),  In  Mai,  in  Ipeformeste  dai. 

16.  The  same  device  is  employed  in  Sir  Degare. 

17.  See  note  6. 

18.  In  his  stemma  Kolbing  attaches  the  common  ancestor  of  5  and  N  to  the  x 
tradition,  otherwise  represented  only  by  the  Auchinleck  MS.  He  points  to  two 
episodes  in  which  SN  agree  with  Auchinleck:  (1)  the  steward  who  tries  to  kill 
Beves  in  the  hope  of  claiming  credit  for  slaying  a  wild  boar,  and  (2)  the  magic 
device  by  which  Josian  protects  herself  from  Yvor's  embraces.  The  former  of 
these  is  probably  inspired  by  Tristan's  fight  with  a  dragon,  which  hkewise  has 
been  devastating  the  country.  The  steward  is  accompanied  by  twenty-four 
knights  and  ten  foresters,  and  only  in  Auchinleck  and  SN  among  the  English 
versions  is  a  steward  mentioned.  The  y  tradition  (Kolbing)  is  represented  by  E 
(Caius  MS.)  and  C  (Cambridge  Univ.  MS.).  E  has  lost  leaves  at  this  point.  C 
speaks  of  twelve  foresters,  but  its  evidence  is  weakened  by  the  fact  that  the 
incident  is  related  in  only  six  lines.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  original  Enghsh 
adaptation  included  a  false  steward,  especially  as  he  appears  in  the  Anglo- 
Norman  source.  The  second  feature  which  associates  SN  with  Auchinleck 
turns  on  the  nature  of  the  device  which  Josian  employs.  In  SN  and  Auchinleck 
it  is  a  ring  with  a  magic  stone.  In  C  it  is  a  girdle,  as  in  the  Anglo-Norman 
Boeve.  Curiously,  in  the  early  printed  edition  of  Wynkyn  de  Worde  it  is  a 
"wrytte"  which  she  hangs  about  her  neck.  Magic  rings  and  girdles  are  not  un- 
common in  romance;  it  may  well  be  that  they  served  as  interchangeable 
properties.  In  any  case,  these  two  features,  neither  of  which  is  entirely  con- 
clusive, cannot  be  allowed  to  outweigh  a  much  larger  number  of  features 
common  to  ESNC  as  against  the  Auchinleck  version.  There  are  more  than  one 
thousand  individual  readings  in  which  5iV agrees  with  either  E  or  C  (or  both), 
and  it  would  be  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  number  would  be  larger  if  E 
had  not  lost  many  leaves.  More  important  is  the  fact  that  ESNC  agree  against 
the  Auchinleck  version  in  a  number  of  episodes,  some  of  them  quite  long. 

The  motif  o£  the  False  Claimant  is  not  uncommon.  For  numerous  examples 
in  folktales  see  E.  S.  Hartland,  The  Legend  ofPersius,  3  vols.  (London,  1894- 
96),  III,  chaps.  16-17,  and  Table  C  in  the  appendix;  for  the  romances  Jessie 
"Weston,  The  Legend  of  Sir  Lancelot  du  Lac  (London,  1901),  pp.  30-39.  Famihar 
instances  are  in  the  prose  Tristan  and  the  Perksvaus.  See  Le  Roman  de  Tristan 
par  Thomas,  ed.  J.  Bedier,  n,  332-33  (Soc.  des  anciens  textes),  and  Le  Haut 
Livre  du  Graal:  Perksvaus,  ed.  William  A.  Nitze  et  al.,  2  vols.  (Chicago,  1932- 
37),  I,  216-217,  270-273. 

19.  I  have  omitted  small  variants  in  N  and  C.  Leaves  are  missing  from  E  at  this 
point. 

20.  From  the  Anglo-Norman  source.  But  this  would  leave  unexplained  incidents 
occurring,  in  both  the  x  and  y  traditions,  in  the  three  long  episodes  which,  as 
we  have  seen,  amount  to  over  seven  hundred  Unes  and  have  no  counterpart  in 
the  Anglo-Norman  text. 

21.  Intro.,  p.  vi. 

[36] 


22.  Lines  148-149,  749-750,  981,  984,  1087-1088,  1431-1432,  1477-1478,  1643- 
1644,  2611-2612.  Other  examples  may  be  seen  at  11.  787-788,  1109-1110, 
1183-1184,  1847-1848,  2519-2520,  etc. 

23 .  The  hnes  quoted  are  1217-1218, 1419-1420, 1461-1462, 2597-2598, 4295-4296. 

24.  I  refer  to  my  paper  "Improvisation  in  the  Middle  English  Romances,"  already 
cited. 

25.  Kolbing  remarks  that  C  in  some  passages  "differs  so  widely  from  the  rest  of  the 
MSS,  that  one  is  inclined  to  assume  that  parts  of  another  translation  have  been 
inserted"  (p.  vi).  This  leaves  unexplained  the  hundreds  of  small  variations 
from  beginning  to  end,  and,  if  my  opinion  is  valid,  is  unnecessary. 

My  characterization  of  the  redactor  of  C  as  a  rather  inept  storyteller  is  con- 
firmed by  his  handhng  of  the  incident  in  w^hich  Beves  escapes  from  Brade- 
mond's  prison  (11.  i622ff.).  He  forgets  that,  as  he  tells  it,  Beves  still  has  a  heavy 
stone  chained  to  his  w^aist,  and  describes  him  as  reaching  a  rope  by  a  mighty 
leap  and  climbing  out  of  the  pit. 


[37] 


Theocratic  History  in  Fourteenth-Century 

France:  The  Liber  Bellorum  Domini 

by  Pierre  de  la  Palu 

(University  of  Pennsylvania  MS.  Lea  45) 


JOHN  F.  BENTON 


TO  the  degree  that  he  is  known  at  all  today,  Pierre  de  la  Palu 
(ca.  1275-1342)  is  thought  of  as  a  Dominican  controversialist 
who  wrote  extensively  on  theological  issues,  taught  for  his  order  at 
the  Parisian  convent  on  the  rue  Saint-Jacques,  played  some  part  in  the 
political  and  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  his  time,  was  sent  on  a  mission  to 
Cyprus  by  John  XXII  and  Philip  VI,  and  was  rewarded  with  the 
honorific  office  of  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem.^  His  major  published  work 
is  a  commentary  on  the  Sentences  which  contains  a  detailed  refutation 
of  Durand  de  Saint-Pour^ain's  criticism  of  Thomistic  theses.^  In  the 
two  centuries  after  his  death,  Pierre  de  la  Palu  was  also  remembered 
as  something  of  an  historian.  In  1413  when  the  Dominican  bibliog- 
rapher Louis  of  Valladolid  drew  up  a  list  of  the  authors  of  his  order 
and  their  writings,  he  ranked  La  Palu  ninth  and  noted  the  existence  of 
a  work  which  he  had  probably  seen  at  Saint-Jacques:  "Item  librum 
historiarum,  et  intitulatur  Liber  bellorum  domini."^  Another  Do- 
minican, Estevao  de  Sampayo,  in  his  study  of  the  life  of  Bl.  Law- 
rence Menendez  used  this  history  to  find  the  correct  date  of  the  sack 
of  Antioch  (1268),  which  had  been  garbled  by  other  authorities,  and 
Etienne  de  Lusignan  cited  the  book  frequently  in  Les  Droicts,  auc- 
toritez  et  prerogatives  que  pretendent  an  royaume  de  Hierusalem,  pub- 
lished at  Paris  in  1586-87.  But  the  copy  of  La  Palu's  history  which 
had  long  been  preserved  at  Saint-Jacques  was  lost  by  the  early  eigh- 
teenth century  when  Fr.  Jacques  Echard  was  completing  his  work  on 
the  Scriptores  ordinis  Praedicatorum.^ 

Although  no  complete  copy  of  the  text  has  yet  been  found,  copied 
extracts  do  exist.  The  longest  is  a  manuscript  which  once  belonged  to 
the  bibhophile  Paul  Petau  and  is  now  preserved  as  Vatican,  Reg.  lat. 
547.  Ignazio  Giorgi  and  Paul  Riant  published  a  long  description  of 

[38] 


this  manuscript  in  1881,  but  unaware  of  the  author's  name,  they  were 
able  to  give  only  the  title,  which  appears  in  this  manuscript  as  Liber 
bellorum  Domini  pro  tempore  Nove  Legis.^  The  Vatican  manuscript  is 
acephalous,  containing  only  the  secunda  pars  principalis  in  107  chap- 
ters, followed  by  an  appendix  or  secunda  particula  of  169  chapters. 
This  long  "second  principal  part"  of  the  Liher  bellorum  Domini,  de- 
voted entirely  to  the  history  of  the  crusades  in  the  Near  East,  reveals 
the  author's  limitations  and  intention.  Regrettably,  although  La 
Palu  had  visited  Cyprus  and  had  both  a  deep  interest  in  the  crusading 
movement  and  unusual  opportunities  to  make  first-hand  observa- 
tions, Giorgi  and  Riant  found  that  his  history  was  simply  an  anthology 
of  extracts  from  earlier  authors  such  as  Fulcher  of  Chartres  and 
Baudry  of  Dol,  as  well  as  later  authors  of  his  own  order  such  as 
Vincent  of  Beauvais  and  Bernard  Gui.  Except  for  a  few  introductory 
passages  and  the  division  of  his  sources  into  articuli  and  conclusiones, 
there  does  not  appear  to  be  an  original  word  in  the  whole  manu- 
script. Why  should  there  be,  when  the  author's  goal  was  not  his- 
torical but  hortatory?  Riant  has  aptly  summed  up  the  compiler's 
intention:  "le  but  immediat  etait  d'amener — en  excitant  le  zele  des 
fideles  par  le  recit  des  exploits  des  croises, — le  triomphe  de  I'Eglise 
sur  les  Musulmans  infideles,  par  le  recouvrement  des  Lieux  Saints."^ 

The  work  of  Riant  and  Giorgi  left  open  both  the  authorship  of  the 
text  they  described  and  the  question  of  the  contents  of  the  first  part 
of  the  book.  The  correct  identification  of  the  authorship  of  the  Liber 
bellorum  Domini  was  made  by  Paul  Fournier  in  a  magisterial  study 
published  in  1938,  a  study  which  also  drew  attention  to  MS.  865  of 
the  Bibliotheque  Sainte-Genevieve,  a  manuscript  from  the  convent 
of  the  Capucins  of  Albi  made  in  1560,  which  according  to  the  printed 
description  gives  a  "resume,  accompagne  de  citations,  des  art.  105  a 
115  de  cette  P®  partie  dudit  livre.'"^  The  extract  in  this  manuscript 
deals  with  the  Albigensian  Crusade,  and  so  shows  that  the  distinction 
between  the  two  parts  of  the  Liber  bellorum  Domini  is  geographical 
rather  than  chronological,  for  the  Vatican  manuscript  is  devoted  to 
crusades  in  the  Near  East,  while  all  that  exists  of  the  first  part  is 
concerned  with  religious  wars  (or  wars  which  might  be  so  con- 
sidered) on  the  mainland  of  Europe. 

The  published  description  of  the  manuscript  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Sainte-Genevieve,  which  I  have  unfortunately  not  seen,  gives  the 

[39] 


misleading  impression  that  this  sixteenth-century  copy  contains  only 
a  "resume"  of  eleven  chapters,  though  it  actually  contains  the  full 
text  of  a  much  larger  number  of  chapters.^  Study  of  this  Parisian 
manuscript  should  add  something  to  our  knowledge  of  La  Palu's 
history.  Nevertheless,  the  manuscript  on  which  the  present  article  is 
based  provides  considerable  material  for  an  evaluation  of  the  first 
part  of  the  Liber  bcUorum  Domini;  publication  of  a  summary  of  its 
contents  may  help  in  the  identification  of  other  manuscripts  of  the 
text  and  will  make  possible  a  comparison  of  a  manuscript  now  in  the 
New  World  with  the  one  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque  Saint- 
Genevieve. 

The  manuscript  which  is  now  shelved  as  number  45  of  the  Lea 
collection  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  libraries  was  purchased 
in  April  1958,  when  Kenneth  Setton  was  director  of  libraries  and 
Rudolf  Hirsch  was  associate  director  with  particular  responsibility 
for  manuscript  holdings.  The  University  was  then  actively  engaged 
in  that  remarkable  wave  of  astute  manuscript  purchasing  which 
finds  its  record  in  the  Catalogue  of  Manuscripts  in  the  Libraries  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  to  1800,  compiled  by  Norman  Zacour  and 
Rudolf  Hirsch.  Of  all  the  manuscript  collectors  and  purchasers  I  have 
known,  Mr.  Hirsch  has  shown  the  greatest  talent  for  finding  at 
bargain  prices  manuscripts  which  had  potential  for  contributing  to 
scholarship  and  teaching.  Lea  MS.  45  was  offered  for  sale  by  H.  P. 
Kraus  in  list  189,  Text  Manuscripts  from  the  Middle  Ages  to  the  XVIII 
Century,  for  the  Most  Part  from  the  Giuseppe  Martini  Collection,  item 
183,  for  S285.  That  price,  which  must  raise  a  feeling  of  nostalgia  in 
collectors  today,  was  doubtless  a  result  of  the  fact  that  neither  the 
previous  owner  (whether  Giuseppe  Martini  or  not,  I  do  not  know) 
nor  the  seller  had  identified  the  author  or  the  title  of  the  work.  The 
catalogue  description  therefore  called  attention  in  its  heading  to  the 
scribe  (Rolandus  de  Monte,  otherwise  unknown)  and  called  the  text 
"commentaries  on  chapters  105-112,  192-195,  and  142-148  of  an 
unnamed  historical  work,  perhaps  a  general  history  of  France  and 
the  Crusades." 

Physically  the  manuscript  is  not  distinguished.  It  consists  of  32 
foHos  of  paper,  29.5x21.5  cm.,  written  in  a  Gothic  cursive  book 
hand  of  the  early  fifteenth  century,  36-38  lines  to  a  page.  The  writing 
gives  some  indication  that  the  copy  was  made  in  southern  France, 

[40] 


and  the  manuscript  may  share  a  common  ancestor  with  the  one  from 
Albi  which  is  now  in  the  Bibliotheque  Sainte-Genevieve.  Since  Lea 
MS.  45  has  been  annotated  by  a  later  Spanish  hand  and  is  bound  in  a 
seventeenth-century  vellum  Spanish  legal  document,  it  appears  that 
for  some  time  it  found  a  home  in  Spain  before  making  the  long  trip 
which  eventually  brought  it  to  Philadelphia. 

The  copyist,  "Rolandus  de  Monte,"  ended  his  work  with  a  com- 
plicated signature  which  suggests  a  notary's  mark  and  a  cheerful  if 
unoriginal  verse :^ 

Explicit  hie  liber;  de  pena  sum  mode  liber. 
Explicit  hoc  totum;  pro  pena  da  michi  potum. 
Explicit  expliceat;  ludere  scriptor  eat. 
Finite  libro  sit  laus  et  gloria  Christo. 

Fortunately,  at  the  bottoin  of  the  last  page  a  later  cursive  hand  has 
added  "Ita  D.  Petrus  de  Palude  scripsit  librum  bellorum  Domini, 
qui  asservatur  in  bibliotheca  nostra  Parisiensi."  The  author's  name 
was  not  easy  to  decipher,  and  I  can  still  remember  the  day  in  1966 
when  Rudolf  Hirsch,  Norman  Zacour,  and  I,  working  in  the  old 
Lea  Library  overlooking  34th  Street,  puzzled  out  the  information  in 
that  fmal  sentence,  turned  to  Quetif  and  Echard  to  learn  more  about 
Pierre  de  la  Palu,  and  realized  that  we  had  in  our  hands  a  text  of  the 
history  the  Dominican  bibliographers  had  been  unable  to  fmd  in 
Paris.  Such  moments  are  among  the  joys  of  a  scholar's  life.  Usually 
they  are  filtered  out  of  academic  writing  and  go  unrecorded,  but  in  a 
volume  dedicated  to  Rudolf  Hirsch  it  seems  appropriate  to  note  my 
gratitude  for  one  of  many  experiences  of  shared  discovery. 

What  does  Lea  MS.  45  tell  us  about  Pierre  de  la  Palu  and  his  his- 
tory? A  detailed  knowledge  of  La  Palu's  use  of  his  sources  will  have 
to  take  account  of  all  available  manuscripts  of  his  work,  but  without 
such  an  investigation  a  simple  comparison  of  the  contents  of  Lea 
MS.  45  with  the  published  description  of  the  Vatican  text  of  the 
secunda  pars  allows  one  to  see  that  in  both  parts  of  his  book  La  Palu 
was  no  more  than  a  compiler,  and  a  somewhat  disorganized  one  at 
that.  In  the  secunda  pars  he  proceeds  chronologically  through  107 
articuli  and  then,  having  at  hand  the  text  of  Fulcher  of  Chartres  for 
the  first  crusade,  adds  this  new  material  in  an  appendix.  Similar  dis- 
organization appears  in  xht  prima  pars  principalis,  for  articuli  105-112 

[41] 


contain  a  disjointed  account  of  fighting  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Albigensian  crusade  up  to  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Louis  IX, 
taken  entirely  from  the  writing  of  Vincent  of  Beauvais  and  Bernard 
Gui,  142-148  are  composed  of  the  full  text  of  the  Vita  sancti  Amid  et 
Amelii,  with  the  action  supposedly  set  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne, 
and  192-195  give  the  conclusion  of  the  Historia  Albigensis  of  Pierre 
des  Vaux-de-Cernay.  Chapter  195  is  the  end  of  the  prima  pars  prin- 
cipalis, so  we  can  see  that  in  the  opening  part  of  his  book  La  Palu 
worked  through  the  Albigensian  crusade  on  the  basis  of  inferior 
sources  (Vincent  of  Beauvais  and  Bernard  Gui — both  of  whom  were 
themselves  compilers  of  earlier  materials)  and  then  completed  his 
account  with  the  continuous  text  of  a  far  better  history. ^° 

The  accidents  of  survival  have  given  us  only  fragments  of  the  first 
part  of  the  Liber  hellorum  Domini  and  they  are  insufficient  for  us  to  see 
the  structure  of  the  composition.  Why  an  account  of  a  battle  sup- 
posedly fought  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne  should  fall  between  two 
descriptions  of  the  Albigensian  crusade  is  unclear,  as  is  the  nature  of 
the  material  which  made  up  the  first  104  articuli.  Both  the  Lea  MS. 
and  the  one  in  the  Bibliotheque  Sainte-Genevieve  were  copied  by  or 
for  people  particularly  interested  in  the  Albigensian  crusade,  and  as 
yet  we  have  no  evidence  of  the  point  at  which  La  Palu  began  his 
work  on  the  wars  of  the  Lord.  We  cannot  tell  whether  his  compila- 
tion began  with  Jewish  history,  early  Christian  persecutions,  or  later 
history,  perhaps  taken  from  Eusebius  or  Gregory  of  Tours.  But  we 
do  know  from  the  material  available  that  La  Palu  was  simply  a  com- 
piler of  the  scissors-and-paste  school,  so  that  the  loss  of  parts  of  his 
work  is  scarcely  an  historical  tragedy. 

Although  the  existing  fragments  of  his  book  have  no  more  value 
as  historical  evidence  than  that  of  additional  copies  of  the  earlier 
works  from  which  they  were  taken,  the  Liher  hellorum  Domini  in 
itself  is  a  curious  witness  to  the  mentality  of  the  author.  A  mind 
which  applied  scholastic  precision  to  splitting  its  sources  into  care- 
fully labeled  articuli  and  conclusiones  brought  together  a  disordered 
collection  of  odd  fragments  of  history,  made  no  apparent  critical 
evaluation  of  his  materials,  and  left  a  work  which  by  modern  stan- 
dards has  no  value  as  history.  La  Palu's  contemporary,  Bernard  Gui, 
was  also  a  compiler,  but  he  applied  some  critical  standards,  made 
comparisons  between  sources,  and  up-dated  his  text  as  new  informa- 

[42] 


tion  became  available.  ^^  La  Palu  liked  a  good  story,  as  his  inclusion 
of  a  version  of  the  tale  of  Amis  and  Amiloun  shows,  for  this  account 
of  friendship  carried  to  the  point  where  a  father  cuts  off  the  heads  of 
his  sons  to  cure  a  friend  of  leprosy  can  fmd  a  place  in  a  history  of 
religious  wars  only  by  virtue  of  a  dubious  reference  to  a  battle  be- 
tween Charlemagne  and  the  king  of  the  Lombards.  The  Vita  sanc- 
torum Amid  et  Amelii  displays  several  instances  of  divine  intervention, 
for  Amiloun  kills  his  children  as  a  consequence  of  angelic  instruction, 
and  angels  were  also  responsible  for  placing  the  tombs  of  the  two 
heroes  side  by  side,  a  miracle  comparable  to  the  column  of  fire  which 
supposedly  guided  Simon  de  Montfort  to  the  bodies  of  his  dead 
comrades  in  the  account  which  La  Palu  borrowed  from  Bernard 
Gui.i2 

From  Herodotus  on,  the  curiosity  and  critical  judgment  of  his- 
torians have  enriched  the  tradition  of  Western  historiography.  La 
Palu's  Liher  bellorum  Domini,  however,  comes  strikingly  close  to 
fitting  the  definition  which  R.  G.  Collingwood  applied  to  the  theo- 
cratic history  of  the  ancient  Near  East,  writing  marked  by  an  ab- 
sence of  scientific  inquiry,  "a  statement  of  known  facts  for  the  infor- 
mation of  persons  to  whom  they  are  not  known,  but  who,  as  wor- 
shippers of  the  god  in  question,  ought  to  know  the  deeds  whereby 
he  has  made  himself  manifest."^^  In  the  Western  historiographic 
tradition  distinguished  by  some  of  the  writers  he  quotes  verbatim, 
Pierre  de  la  Palu  himself  stands  out  only  as  a  noteworthy  exception.  ^"^ 


NOTES 

1.  The  only  detailed  study  of  this  pohtically  active  author  is  Paul  Foumier, 
"Pierre  de  la  Palu,  theologien  et  canoniste,"  in  Histoire  littiraire  de  la  France, 
xxxvii  (Paris,  1938),  39-84. 

2.  In  quartum  Sententiarum,  Venice,  1493  (Hain,  12286);  to  the  manuscripts  cited 
by  Fournier,  op.  cit.,  pp.  53-54,  n.  5,  a  reference  should  be  added  to  an  excellent 
fifteenth-century  manuscript  of  Book  iv  alone  in  the  Hoose  Library  of  the 
University  of  Southern  California.  For  a  brief  description  and  citation  of  sale 
catalogues  see  Seymour  De  Ricci  and  W.  J.  Wilson,  Census  of  Medieval  and 
Renaissance  Manuscripts  in  the  United  States  and  Canada  (New  York,  1935-40),  i, 
1,  p.  17,  no.  3. 

3.  H.  C.  Scheeben,  "Die  Tabulae  Ludwigs  von  VaUadoHd  im  Chor  der  Prediger- 


[43] 


briider  von  St.  Jakob  in  Paris,"  Archivum  fratrum  Praedicatorum,  i  (1932),  254. 

4.  Jacques  Quetif  and  Jacques  Echard,  Scriptores  ordinis  Praedicatorum  (Paris,  1719- 
21),  I,  608,  a  passage  which  cites  the  references  of  earHer  authors. 

5.  "Description  du  Liber  hellorum  Domini,"  Archives  de  Vorient  latin,  i  (1881), 
289-322.  Count  Riant  drew  further  information  from  this  manuscript  in 
"Deposition  de  Charles  d'Anjou  pour  la  canonisation  de  Saint  Louis,"  in 
Notices  et  documents  publies  pour  la  Societe  de  Vhistoire  de  France  (Paris,  1884), 
I,  155-176. 

6.  "Description  du  Liber  bellorum  Domini,"  p.  292. 

7.  Fournier,  op.  cit.,  pp.  80-82.  The  quoted  description  of  MS.  865  is  taken  from 
Charles  Kohler,  Catalogue  des  manuscrits  de  la  Bibliotheque  Sainte-Genevieve,  i 
(Paris,  1893),  420.  According  to  this  description  the  manuscript  is  paper,  72 
pages,  278x200  mm. 

8.  Petri  Vallium  Sarnaii  monachi  Hystoria  Albigensis,  ed.  Pascal  Guebin  and  Ernest 
Lyon,  Societe  de  I'histoire  de  France  (Paris,  1926-39),  iii,  li-lii,  describes  this 
manuscript  (here  classified  as  J);  pp.  48-72  give  the  full  text  of  the  Historia  as 
printed  in  n,  252-323.  The  Bibliotheque  Sainte-Genevieve  manuscript  there- 
fore contains  exactly  the  same  portions  of  the  Historia  Albigensis  as  Lea  MS.  45, 
and  the  variant  readings  given  by  Guebin  and  Lyon  show  that  the  two  texts 
are  closely  related.  It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  according  to  Koh- 
ler's  description  (see  above,  n.  7),  the  Parisian  manuscript  contains  articuli  105- 
115,  while  the  Lea  manuscript  begins  with  articuli  105-112  and  then  skips  to  the 
Historia  Albigensis  (as  the  Sainte-Genevieve  manuscript  also  does  on  p.  48). 
Unless  Kohler's  description  is  in  error,  the  Sainte-Genevieve  manuscript  can- 
not have  been  copied  from  the  Lea  manuscript  (since  the  earlier  manuscript 
lacks  articuli  113-115),  but  it  seems  obvious  that  the  two  manuscripts  are  most 
likely  closely  related.  The  Lea  manuscript  may  therefore  be  of  some  use  in 
tracing  the  evolution  of  the  text  of  the  Historia  Albigensis. 

9.  Cf.  Lynn  Thorndike,  "Copyists'  Final  Jingles  in  Mediaeval  Manuscripts," 
Speculum,  xn  (1937),  268,  and  "More  Copyists'  Final  Jingles,"  ibid.,  xxxi, 

324,  325. 

10.  The  specific  sources  from  which  La  Palu  took  his  material  are  indicated  in  the 
notes  to  the  appendix. 

11.  Leopold  DeHsle,  "Notice  sur  les  manuscrits  de  Bernard  Gui,"  Notices  et  extraits 
des  manuscrits  de  la  Bibliotheque  nationale,  xxvn,  pt.  2,  165-455,  is  a  remarkable 
monograph  which  makes  clear  the  revisions  Bernard  Gui  made  in  his  work 
through  a  detailed  study  of  his  manuscripts.  Though  we  now  have  critical 
editions  of  two  of  Bernard  Gui's  Dominican  histories,  edited  by  Thomas 
KaeppeH  and  P.  A.  Amargier,  in  Monumenta  ordinis  fratrum  praedicatorum 
historica,  22  and  24  (Rome,  1949  and  1961),  unfortunately  the  only  printed 
text  of  the  latter  part  of  the  Flores  chronicorum  is  that  pubhshed  by  L.  A. 
Muratori,  Rerum  italicarum  scriptores,  in,  pt.  1  (Milan,  1723),  351-684. 

12.  An  informed  discussion  of  the  various  medieval  stories  of  the  two  friends  is 
MacEdward  Leach's  introduction  to  Amis  and  Amiloun,  E.E.T.S.  203  (London, 
1937)-  The  Latin  version  of  the  Vita  given  by  La  Palu  is  very  close  to  the  text  of 

[44] 


a  thirteenth-century  manuscript  from  St.  Bertin  published  by  F.  J.  Mone,  in 
Anzeiger fur  Kunde  der  teutscheu  Vorzeit,  v  (1836),  cols.  146-160.  The  story  of 
the  column  of  fire  appears  in  articulus  107,  2  of  the  Lihcr.  But  why  both  La  Palu 
and  the  scribe  of  the  Lea  MS.  were  so  fascinated  by  the  bloody  story  of  Amis 
and  Amiloun  that  they  included  it  in  a  work  in  which  its  presence  is  most 
strange  remains  a  mystery. 

13.  The  Idea  of  History  (Oxford,  1946),  pp.  14-15. 

1 4.  Since  this  article  went  to  press,  I  have  received  from  MUe.  Ehzabeth  Dunan,  to 
whom  I  am  again  happy  to  express  my  thanks  for  checking  material  in 
Parisian  manuscripts,  some  notes  comparing  Bibliothcque  Sainte-Genevieve 
MS.  865  with  Lea  MS.  45.  Her  work  shows  that  Koliler's  description  (see 
above,  note  8)  is  in  error,  that  the  later  manuscript  in  the  BibHotheque  Sainte- 
Genevieve  contains  no  material  which  does  not  also  appear  in  the  Lea  MS.,  and 
that  the  two  manuscripts  "semblent  avoir  une  source  commune."  More  par- 
ticularly, it  should  be  recorded  that  MS.  865  contains  artiadi  105-112  (pp. 
1-47),  then  an  article  numbered  "Centesimus  vigesimus  secundus"  (pp.  47- 
55),  which  is  article  192  of  the  Lea  MS.,  and  then  articuH  113-115  (pp.  56-72), 
which  are  the  same  as  articles  193-195  of  the  Lea  MS.  Numerous  differences 
between  the  two  manuscripts  make  clear  that  any  future  editor  should  take 
account  of  both  texts. 


[45] 


APPENDIX 

Text  of  the  headings  o£  articuU  and  conclusiones  in  the 
Liber  bellorum  Domini  by  Pierre  de  La  Palu 

The  text  which  follows  is  given  as  it  appears  in  University  of  Pennsylvania 
MS.  Lea  45.  In  this  transcription  a  differentiation  has  been  made  between 
M  and  V,  and  in  some  places  t  has  been  used  in  place  of  c,  since  the  scribe  has 
often  been  inconsistent  and  ambiguous  in  the  form  used  for  writing  t  (or 
c).  Capitalization  has  been  regularized,  and  abbreviations  have  been  si- 
lently expanded.  The  scribe  has  been  inconsistent  in  the  use  of  a  period  and 
a  virgule  where  we  would  use  a  comma,  and  I  have  regularized  such 
instances  by  the  use  of  commas.  In  a  few  places  where  the  scribe  has  written 
j  where  a  vowel  is  needed,  a  change  to  /  has  been  made. 

[105]  Centesimus  quintus  articulus  prime  partis  de  bello  Domini  contra 
quosdam  Sarracenos  et  contra  Albigenses  hereticos  tam  gladio  spirituali 
quam  materiali  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol.  1-2] 

[1]  Prima  de  legatione  duodecim  abbatum  et  Guallonis  diaconis  car- 

dinalis  contra  Albigenses.^ 

[2]  Secunda  de  peregrinatione  nostrorum  contra  terram  Albigensium.^ 

[3]  Tertia  de  Memilini  regis  et  Albigensium  destructione.-' 
[106]  Centesimus  sextus  articulus  prime  partis  iterum  de  bello  Domini 
contra  Albigenses  et  Mediolanenses  tunc  scismathico  hereticis  et  scisma- 
ticis  faventes  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol.  2-3] 

[1]  Prima  de  bello  Papiensium  contra  Mediolanenses  tunc  hereticos  et 

scismathicos  eximentes."* 

[2]  Secunda  de  bello  nostrorum  contra  Albigenses  et  nece  regis  Ar- 

ragonum.^ 

[3]  Tertia  de  captione  civitatis  Avinionensis  per  regem  Ludovicum.^ 
[107]  Centesimus  septimus  articulus  prime  partis  de  bellis  Simonis  comitis 
Montis  Fortis  contra  hereticos  Albigenses  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol. 

3-4^] 

[1]  Prima  conclusio,  quomodo  captis  civitatibus  Biterris  et  Carcassone 
ab  exercitu  cruce  signatorum,  dux  belli  contra  infideles  Symon  comes 
Montis  Fortis  est  ab  omnibus  constitutus.^ 

[2]  Secunda  conclusio  de  multis  hereticis  et  castris  que  cepit  idem  comes 
in  diocesibus  Albigensi,  Carcassonensi,  Tholosana,  et  de  columpna  ignis 
apparente  super  corporibus  aliquorum  ab  hereticalibus  occisorum.^ 
[3]  Tertia  de  aliis  castris  ab  eodem  comite  captis,  et  Tholosa  obcessa 
sed  non  capta,^ 

[46] 


[io8]  Centesimus  octavus  articulus  adhuc  de  bellis  Symonis  comitis 

Montis  Fortis  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol.  4^-7] 

[1]  Prima  de  victoria  eius  mirabili  apud  castrum  Maurelli.^^ 
[2]  Secunda  de  castris  aliis  ab  eo  captis  et  quomodo  in  consilio  celebrate 
in  Montepessulano  est  in  principem  et  dominum  Tholose  totiusque 
terre  acquisite  electus  comes  Symon  Montis  Fortis  et  per  papam  con- 
fir  matus.^^ 
[3]  Tertia  de  regis  Francie  Ludovici  adiutorio.^^ 

[109]  Centesimus  nonus  articulus  adhuc  de  bellis  predicti  comitis  et  fra- 

tris  sui  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol.  7-9] 

[1]  Prima  quomodo  eidem  comiti  fuit  adiudicatus  per  consilium  ge- 

nerale  et  regem  Francie  comitatus  Tholosanus,  et  quidquid  acquisierat  in 

illis  partibus  contra  hereticos  dimicando.^-^ 

[2]  Secunda  quomodo  pro  hiis  opportuit  fratrem  eius  et  filium  pu- 

gnare,  et  pacta  quidem  inire  cum  adversariis  minus  bona.^'* 

[3  ]  Tertia  de  iterata  pugna  comitis  et  morte  eiusdem,  et  vana  obsidione 

filii  in  qua  fuit  occisus  alter  filius  comitis  Montis  Fortis.^ ^ 

[110]  Centesimus  decimus  articulus  prime  partis  de  bellis  Ludovici  regis 

contra  eosdem  Albigenses  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol.  9-10^^] 

[1]  Prima  quomodo  Ludovicus  cepit  Marmandam,  et  obsedit  sed  non 
cepit  Tholosam,  et  de  aggravatione  guerre  a  rege.^^ 
[2]  Secunda  de  captione  Avinionis  plenius  descripta  quam  superius.^^ 
[3]  Tertia  de  ordinationibus  regis  et  legati  pro  fide  et  libertatibus  ec- 
clesie,  et  de  regis  morte. ^^ 

[ill]  Centesimus  undecimus  articulus  prime  partis  de  bellis  et  pace 

Albigensium  Dei  potentia  domitorum  habet  quatuor  conclusiones:  [fol. 

10V_i2V] 

[1]  Prima  de  captione  castri  quod  Beteca  dicitur  et  castri  Sarasseni 

et  Montogio.^^ 

[2]  Secunda  de  obsidione  Tholose  et  talatione  [sic]  et  destructione 

omnium  extra  muros.^^ 

[3]  Tertia  de  pace  et  reconsiliatione  comitis  Tholosani.^i 

[4]  Quarta  de  pace  et  captione  Montis  Securi,  quod  erat  refugium 

hereticorum  et  omnium  malorum.^^ 
[112]  Centesimus  duodecimus  articulus  de  bellis  sancti  Ludovici  citra 
mare  in  quibus  adiutus  est  pro  quo  pugnaturus  erat  ultra  mare  habet  tres 
conclusiones:  [fol.  12^-15] 

[1]  Prima  de  discentione  baronum  Francie  a  rege  Ludovico  juniore.^^ 

[2]  Secunda  de  rebellione  contra  eundem  regem  in  diocesibus  Nar- 

bonensi  et  Carcass [onensi].^"^ 

[3]  Tertia  de  itinere  Ludovici  regis  in  Pictaviam.^^ 

[47] 


[192]  Centesimus  nonagesimus  secundus  de  destructione  murorum  Nar- 
bone  et  Tholose  et  comitatu  Tholosano  per  papam  et  rcgem  dato  comiti 
Montis  Fortis  et  rebellione  comitis  filii  comitis  Tholosani  habet  quinque 
conclusiones:  [fol.  15-18] 

[1  ]  Prima  quod  muri  Narbonenses  ceperunt  dirui  de  mandato  legati  et 
Ludovici  primogeniti  regis  contra  voluntatem  archiepiscopi  et  civium.^^ 
[2]  Secunda  de  dirutione  murorum  Tholose  et  redditu  Ludovici  in 
Franciam  et  legati  in  Romam,  et  terra  commissa  comiti  Montis  Fortis  et 
captione  Castrinovi.'^^ 

[3]  Tertia  quomodo  Innocentius  papa  comitatum  Tholosanum  in  con- 
silio  generali  dedit  comiti  Montisfortis,  et  quomodo  idem  comes  tam- 
quam  fidei  delFensor  a  clero  et  populo  ubique  est  honorifice  susceptus, 
et  a  rege  Francie  in  ducem  Narbonensem  et  totius  alterius  terre  per 
crucesignatos  acquisite  in  dominium  confirmatus  est.'^^ 
[4]  Quarta  de  occupatione  provincie  per  Raymundum  filium  comitis 
condam  Tholosani,  que  terra  erat  per  consilium  generale  commendata 
comiti  Montis  Fortis,  et  de  obsidione  Bellicadri.^^ 
[5]  Quinta  de  captione  Belle  Gardie,  et  obsidione  burgi  Bellicadri  con- 
tra hostes  de  burgo  castrum  obsidentes,  de  crudelitate  hostium,  quo- 
modo captos  clericos  morte  turpissima  occidebant,  suspendebant,  mu- 
tilabant,  cum  machinis  proiciebant.-^^ 
[193]  Centesimus  nonagesimus  tertius  de  perditione  Bellicadri  et  captione 
Castri  Granarii  et  quibusdam  aliis  habet  quinque  conclusiones:  [fol.  18-21] 
[1]  Prima  de  captione  Bellicadri  ab  hostibus  nostris  obcessis  inde 
exeuntibus,  et  cum  superlectili  sua  tota,  et  quod  comes  noster  diruit 
muros  et  turres  Tholose,  et  quod  cives  Sancti  Egidii  apostate  receperunt 
filium  comitis  condampnati.  Propter  quod  abbas  et  conventus  Corpus 
Christi  de  cathedra  extrahentes  nudis  pedibus  de  villa  processionaliter 
exierunt,  villa  suposita  ecclesiastico  interdicto.^^ 

[2]  Secunda  de  gravi  obsidione  Montis  Granerii,  quod  castrum  nostris 
dampna  plurima  inferebat,  et  non  solum  inexpugnabile,  sed  etiam  inac- 
cessibile  videbatur,  et  maxime  tunc  temporis  non  tam  pen  am  quam 
martirum  obsidentibus  imminebat.-^^ 

[3  ]  Tertia  de  captione  et  munitione  Castri  Granerii  obcessis  exeuntibus 
cum  armis  suis,  et  de  appelatione  ville  Sancti  Egidii  ad  legatum  contra 
comitem  nobilem  Montis  Fortis,  qui  appelationem  detulit  et  ab  illorum 
inpugnatione  destitit,  sed  postquam  legatus  illos  et  alios  rebelles  et 
blasphemos  excommunicavit,  comes  circum  circa  fere  omnia  castra 
cepit.-'-' 

[4]  Quarta  de  iniuria  ab  hostibus  fidei  facta  legato  sedis  apostolice 
contra  quem  septem  vel  octo  quarellos  proiecerunt,  unum  de  sua  fa- 

[48] 


milia  vulneraverunt,  et  de  turre  Draconenti  spelunca  latronum  super 
Rodanum  quam  conies  cepit  et  diruit.-''* 

[5]  Quinta  de  transitu  Rodani  mirabili,  per  quern  territi  sunt  hostes 

fidei,  et  de  compositione  pacis  inter  comitem  nostrum  et  Ademarum 

de  Pictavia.^5 

[194]  Centesimus  nonagesimus  quartus  de  proditione  Tholose  et  Montis 

Albani  et  secunda  obsidione  Tholose  et  quibusdam  miraculis  que  in  ibi 

[sic]  contigerunt  habet  quatuor  conclusiones:  [fol.  20^-22'^] 

[1]  Prima  de  proditione  Tholosanorum  qui  comitem  deponitum  re- 
ceperunt,  contra  quos  venerunt  frater  et  filius  comitis  ad  defFendendum 
munitiones  que  castrum  Narbone  a  civibus  appellatur.^^ 
[2]  Secunda  de  alia  obsidione  Tholose,  quam  comes  ipse  fecit,  dum 
enim  armatus  sedensque  super  equo  suo  falerato  navem  intrare  vellet  ad 
fluvium  Garone  transeundum,  eques  cum  equo  cecidit  in  profundum 
aque,  et  eum  ut  mortuus  plangeretur,  subito  ad  celum  manibus  iunctis  et 
erectis  apparuit  super  aquam,  qui  tamen  a  suis  in  navem  cum  gaudio  est 
susceptus.^'^ 

[3]  Tertia  de  proditione  frustratoria  hominum  Montis  Albani,  quia 

cum  ipsi  cum  Tholosanis  nocte  senescallum  comitis  cum  suis  in  lectis 

capere  decrevissent  illi  tumultu  invadentium  excitati,  se  armantes,  et  in 

hostes  irruentes  omnes  fugarunt,  et  quidam  de  muris  precipitaverunt  se 

ipsos.  Cum  autem  Tholosani  exeuntes  unum  militem  cum  uno  socio 

obviante  inclusissent  et  comes  cum  uno  socio  ad  liberanduin  millitem 

occurisset,  ab  eis  hinc  inde  aggressus  se  defFendit,  quousque  sui  de 

exercitu  venerunt,  et  hostes  ad  urbem  retrocedere  compulerunt.-^^ 

[4]  Quarta  de  captione  miraculosa  burgi  cum  enim  nostri  fuissent  a 

burgo  depulsi,  subito  tanta  pluvia  inundavit,  quod  pontes  sunt  rupti, 

muri  dissipati,  et  nostri  burgum  libere  sunt  ingressi.^^ 

[195]  Centesimus  nonagesimus  quintus  articulus  et  ultimus  de  crudelitate 

Tholosanorum  et  morte  preciosa  comitis  nobilis  Montis  Fortis  et  succes- 

sorum  eius  primogenito  suo  et  quibusdam  aliis  habet  quatuor  conclusiones: 

[fol.  22V-24] 

[1]  Prima  de  crudelitate  Tholosanorum  alias  inaudita,  quia  nostros 
captos  etiam  clericos  et  sacerdotes  diversis  suppliciis  perimebant  mu- 
tilantes,  vivos  sepelientes,  concremantes,  sagittantes,  cum  machinis  ad 
nostros  proicientes,  et  lapiddes  contra  cardinalem  ad  castrum  Nar- 
bonensem,  quando  sciebant  missaruin  solempnia  celebrari.'*^ 
[2]  Secunda  de  ultimo  bello  comitis  Montis  Fortis  in  quo  apparuit  eius 
strenuitas  unde  missam  audiens,  suumque  Redemptorem  sacramentaliter 
aspiciens  flexis  genibus  et  manibus  elevatis  in  celum,  eoque  viso,  dixit, 
"Nunc  dimittis  servum  tuum,  Domine,  in  pace  etc."  Interim  autem 

[49] 


exercitus  noster  pugnabat  contra  Tholosanos,  et  rtiissa  finita  comes 
nobilis  iterum  subiungit,  "Libera  me,  Domine,  a  tribulationibus  et  an- 
gustiis  huius  mundi,  et  me  servum  tuum  fac  ad  evangelicam  vitam 
pervenire,"  et  tunc  ait  astantibus,  "Eamus  et  pro  Christo  martirium 
subeamus,  qui  pro  nobis  mortem  suscipere  non  expavit."'*^ 
[3]  Tertia  de  comitis  morte  gloriosa,  vel  magis  de  victoria  martiris 
preciosa,  qui  singulis  diebus  confitens,  et  ab  obcessis  ex  quinque  sagittis 
primo  confixus,  ad  instar  quinque  plagarum  Christi,  ac  ad  instar  pro- 
thomartiris  Stephani  lapidatus  pctra  machine,  super  galeam  in  capite 
letaliter  pcrcussus,  bis  suum  pectus  pcrcutiens,  Deoque  et  beate  Marie 
virgini  se  commendans,  in  Domino  feliciter  obdormivit.'^^ 
[4]  Quarta  de  successore  eius  primogenito  Amalrico,  qui  paterne  pro- 
bitatis  per  omnia  imitator,  licet  obsidionem  Tholosanam  neccesse  ha- 
buerit  dimittere,  tamen  in  omnibus  aliis  strenue  se  habuit  suos  potenter 
deffendens  hostes  suadens,  destruens  et  prostemens.  Ludovicus  autem 
primogenitus  regis  Francie  cum  multis  nobilibus  veniens  in  auxilium 
comitis  assumpsit  signum  crucis  in  pectore  contra  hereticos  Albigenses, 
et  in  hoc  terminatur  totus  liber. "^^ 
[142]  Centesimus  quadragesimus  secundus  articulus  de  bellis  Domini  per 
Amelium  et  Amicum  Christi  milites  et  martires  gloriosos,  et  primo  quo  ad 
historic  fundamentum  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol.  24"^-25] 

[1]  Prima  quomodo  parentes  Amelii  et  Amici  cum  parvulis  baptizandis 
in  via  Dei  providentia  ad[i]uvati  Romam,  simul  corpore  et  animo 
pervenerunt.'*'^ 

[2]  Secunda  quomodo  pueris  a  summo  pontifice  honorifice  baptizatis, 
datis  eis  ciphis  paribus  ligneis  auro  et  gemmis  omatis  ad  propria  sunt 
reversi. 

[3]  Tertia  de  documentis  Bericani  militis  que  moriens  dedit  Amico 
filio  suo,  a  quo  mortuus  honorifice  est  sepultus. 
[143]  Centesimus  quadragesimus  tertius  articulus  de  eodem,  quomodo 
Amelius  et  Amicus  se  querentes  et  invcnientes  in  curia  regis  Francorum 
sunt  promoti,  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol.  25-26^] 

[1]  Prima  quomodo  Amicus  ab  hereditate  paterna  et  patria  expulsus 

querens  Amelium  comitem,  et  ab  eo  quesitus,  tandem  cum  hospitis  sui 

filia  nuptias  celebravit. 

[2]  Secunda  quomodo  Amelius  et  Amicus  mutuo  se  querentes  pe- 

regrinum  medium  habuerunt,  qui  Amelium  computans  propter  for- 

mam  corporis  indissimilem  utriusque,  Amicum  misit  Parisius  ut  ibi 

Amelium  invcniret. 

[3]  Tertia  quomodo  sibi  Parisius  occurrentes,  seque  minime  agnos- 

centes,  qui  se  invicem  agnoscentes  fedus  amicitie  renovantes,  et  con- 

[50] 


firmantes  juramento  corporaliter  prestito  super  sanctorum  reliquias, 

quas  in  ense  suo  Amelius  deferebat,  simul  curiam  regis  adierunt,  a  quo 

honorifice  recepti,  probitate  morum  suorum  omnium  gratiam  obtinentes 

Amicus  regis  chamerarius  et  Amelius  eiusdem  dapifer  sunt  efFecti. 

[144]  Centesimus  quadragesimus  quartus  articulus  de  eodem,  quomodo 

Amicus  pugnans  pro  Amelio  contra  Aldericum  ilium  vicit,  adiutus  ami- 

citia  caritatis,  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol.  26^^-28] 

[1  ]  Prima  quomodo  Amelius  in  curia  regis  remanens  contra  consilium 
Amici  ad  uxorem  redentis,  filiam  regis  oppressit,  et  cum  Alderico 
proditore  fedus  iniens  ab  eo  super  hoc  acturus  duellum  ofFerens,  nullum 
adiutorem  nisi  piam  reginam  Hildegaldem  potuit  invenire,  et  tali  pacto 
quod  nisi  Amelius  ad  diem  assignatam  rediret,  regina  regis  thoro 
totaliter  privaretur. 

[2]  Secunda  quomodo  invento  Amico  infortunium  suum  exponens, 
eius  consilio,  mutato  habitu,  ad  domum  eius  ivit,  uxoris  osculum  respuit, 
in  lecto  inter  se  et  uxorem  ipsam  ensem  nudum  semper  tenuit,  donee 
Amicus  qui  loco  eius  duellum  facturus  erat  in  curia  regis  ad  probandum 
veniens,  fidem  eum  tenuisse  cognovit. 

[3]  Tertia  quomodo  adveniente  statuto  die  duelli  Aldericus  reginam 

quasi  consciam  stupri  a  thoro  regis  separare  modis  omnibus  satagebat, 

que  superveniente  Amico  loco  Amelii  cum  viduis  et  virginibus  Deo 

causam  suam  et  filie  cum  precibus  et  lacrimis  et  elemosinis  commendabat. 

Aldericus  vero  persuasus  ab  Amico  quem  Amelium  credebat,  ab  incepta 

criminatione  desistere,  noluit  acquiescere,  jurans  ilium  regis  filiam  vio- 

lasse,  Amico  jurante  ilium  mentitum.  Tunc  in  campo  devictus  est  capita 

amputato  ab  Amico,  quem  omnes  astantes  Amelium  comitem  extima- 

bant. 

[145]  Centesimus  quadragesimus  quintus  articulus  de  consequentibus  ad 

victoriam  Amici,  et  primo  de  prosperitate  Amelii  et  adversitate  Amici, 

habet  quinque  conclusiones:  [fol.  28-29] 

[1]  Prima  quomodo  rex  dedit  in  uxorem  cum  magna  dote  filiam  suam 
Amelio  comiti. 

[2]  Secunda  quomodo  Amicus  lepra  percussus,  uxorique  exosus,  que 
machinata  est  plurimum  in  mortem  Amici  mariti  eius,  qualiter  cum 
cipho  Romano  delatus  est  in  castrum  suum  Bericanum. 
[3]  Tertia  quomodo  a  familia  patris  servis  suis  verberatis  non  est  ad- 
missus  sed  repulsus,  sicut  Job  dicens,  etc. 

[4]  Quarta  quomodo  a  paterinis  suis  Rome  et  a  summo  pontifice 
benigne  susceptus  est. 

[5]  Quinta  quomodo  fame  orta  Rome  portatus  a  servis  ad  Amelium 
cum  cipho,  per  consimilem  siphum  agnitus,  quia  species  vultus  eius 

[51  ] 


propter  morbum  perierat,  receptus  est  ab  Amelio  et  regis  filia  agnos- 
centibus  eius  beneficia,  et  ab  eis  humanissime  tractatus. 
[146]  Centcsimus  quadragesimus  sextus  articulus,  quomodo  pro  salute 
Amici  ad  mandatum  angcli  Amelius  duos  filios  suos  infantes  propriis 
manibus  dccollavit,  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol.  29-29"^] 

[1]  Prima  quomodo  angelus  precepit  Amico  vix  credenti  quod  peteret 
ab  Amelio  ut  filios  suos  interficeret,  quorum  sanguine  ipsum  aspergeret 
et  sanaretur,  sicut  Deus  propter  eum  mori  voluit,  ut  eius  sanguine  nos 
mundaret. 

[2]  Secunda  quomodo  Amicus  invitus  visionem  Amelio  retulit  et  ille 
affectu  naturali  egre  tulit. 

[3]  Tertia  quomodo  Amelius  non  solum  occidere  voluit  ut  Abraham 

fdium  suum  unum  ad  mandatum  Domini  sed  duos  filios  licet  cum 

dolore  nimio  interfecit,  sine  hoc  quod  ut  haberet  ut  Habraham  spem 

resurrexionis. 

[147]  Centesimus  quadragesimus  septimus  articulus  prime  partis  de  mira- 

bili  effectu  mortis  puerorum  pro  custodienda  fidelitate  et  ad  mandatum 

Domini  occisorum  ut  patuit  per  effectum,  habet  tres  conclusiones:  [fol. 

30-31''] 

[1]  Prima  quomodo  Amicus  aspersus  ab  Amelio  sanguine  fdiorum 
mundatus  est  non  naturaliter  sed  miraculose  a  lepra. 
[2]  Secunda  quomodo  Deus  miraculose  illos  pueros  suscitavit  cicatri- 
cibus  in  collo  eorum  remanentibus  in  testimonium  miraculi  perpetrati, 
quo  facto  parentes  castitatem  usque  ad  obitum  servaverunt. 
[3]  Tertia  quomodo  uxor  nequam  Amici  a  diabolo  vexata  et  precipi- 
tata  expiravit,  ut  Amicus  exercitum  movens  Bericanos  obsedit,  et 
deinceps  in  bello  subegit,  primogenitum  Amelii  secum  tenens  et  in 
paterna  domo  restitutus.  Et  ecce  quomodo  Deus  vult  inviolabiter  fidem 
amicitie  observari,  et  observatam  quomodo  remunerat  etiam  in  hac 
vita.  Deus  enim  Amicum  in  bello  servans,  a  lepra  sanavit  postmodum 
virtuose;  Amelium  a  culpa  et  infamia  liberans,  filiamque  regis  sibi 
desponsans  filios  pro  amicitia  mortuos  suscitavit.  Et  econtra  quomodo 
ipse  odit  fidem  violantes,  Aldericus  infideliter  secreta  revelans  in  duello 
ab  Amico  occiditur;  uxor  Amico  viro  suo  fidem  abnegans  diaboli 
potestati  subicitur. 
[148]  Centesimus  quadragesimus  octavus  articulus  de  bello  Domini  per 
Karolum  regem  Francorum  contra  Desiderium  regem  Longobardorum 
oppressorem  Romanorum  in  quo  occisi  sunt  inter  ceteros  Amelius  et 
Amicus,  habet  sex  conclusiones:  [fol.  30^^-32'^] 

[1]  Prima  quo  Karolus  rex  Francorum  ab  Adriano  papa  invitatus, 
Desiderium  regem  amicabiliter  monuit,  promittens  etiam  aurum  et 

[52] 


argentum,  ut  ablata  ab  ecclesia  Romana  beatorum  Petri  et  Pauli  apos- 

tolorum  restitueret  pacemque  claret,  quod  ille  facere  recusavit,  occurrens 

cum  excercitu  ad  montes,  per  quos  Karolus  transiturus  erat. 

[2]  Secunda  quomodo  Karolo  secundo  et  tertio  rogante  que  ad  pacem 

sunt,  per  nuntios  missos  regi  Desiderio,  ipse  omnia  contempnens  Karo- 

lum  audacter  ad  prelium  expectabat,  sed  divina  immi[n]ente  gratia, 

ipse  cum  suo  excercitu  territus  fugam  adiit. 

[3]  Tertia  quomodo  Karolus  cum  multo  maiore  exercitu  insequens 

Desiderium  cum  ipso  tribus  diebus  pugnavit,  nee  vincere  potuit  paucis 

Longobardis,  tot  et  tantis  Francis  et  Theutonicis  viriliter  resistentibus, 

et  adhuc  ad  prelium  animatis. 

[4]  Quarta  quomodo  Franci  a  Karolo  animati  fortius  pugnaverunt,  et 

multis  hinc  inde  occisis,  Amicus  et  Amelius  Deo  digni  milites  obierunt, 

fugatumque  Desiderium  cum  reliquo  excercitu  Karolus  Papie  obsedit. 

[5]  Quinta  de  sepultura  interfectorum  in  ecclesiis  a  rege  et  regina 

fabricatis,  et  quomodo  Amico  et  Amelio  seorsum  sepultis,  sarcofagum 

unius  ad  sarcofagum  alterius  angelicis  manibus  est  delatum,  et  quomodo 

in  vita  dilexerunt  se,  ita  et  in  morte  non  sunt  separati. 

[6]  Sexta  quomodo  Deus  pestem  in  civitate  obcessa  misit,  propter 

quam  Karolus  eam  cepit,  Desideriumque  regem  captum  cum  uxore  in 

Franciam  secum  duxit,  et  sic  Romanam  ecclesiam  ab  illius  tirannide 

libera  vit. 

NOTES  TO  APPENDIX 

1.  Vincent  of  Beauvais,  Speculum  historiak  (Strassburg,  ca.  1473),  bk.  30,  ch.  93. 
I  have  used  the  former  PhiUipps  copy  in  the  Huntington  Library  (Copinger 
6245). 

2.  Ibid.,  bk.  30,  ch.  103. 

3.  Ibid.,  bk.  31,  ch.  2. 

4.  Ibid.,  bk.  31,  ch.  7. 

5.  Ibid.,  bk.  31,  ch.  9. 

6.  Ibid.,  bk.  31,  ch.  128. 

7.  Bernard  Gui,  Flores  chronicorum,  anno  1209,  in  L.  A.  Muratori,  Rerum  italicarum 
scriptores,  m,  pt.  1  (Milan,  1723),  481. 

8.  Ibid.,  annis  1210-1211,  ed.  Muratori,  pp.  481-482. 

9.  Ibid.,  annis  1211-1212,  ed.  Muratori,  p.  482  (omitting  paragraph  concerning 
Miramolinus). 

10.  Ibid.,  anno  1213,  ed.  Muratori,  pp.  482-483. 

11.  Ibid.,  anno  1214,  ed.  Muratori,  p.  484;  the  blank  in  the  second  column  should 
be  quindena. 

12.  Ibid.,  anno  1215,  ed.  Muratori,  pp.  484-485. 

13.  Ibid.,  anno  1215,  ed.  Muratori,  p.  485. 


14.  Ibid.,  anno  1216,  ed.  Muratori,  pp.  485-486. 

15.  Ibid.,  anno  1217,  ed.  Muratori,  p.  568,  followed  by  Vincent  of  Beauvais, 
Spec,  hist.,  bk.  31,  ch.  85. 

16.  Bernard  Gui,  annis  1219-1224,  with  numerous  omissions,  ed.  Muratori,  pp. 
568-569. 

17.  Ibid.,  anno  1226,  ed.  Muratori,  pp.  569-570. 

18.  Ibid.,  anno  1226,  extract,  ed.  Muratori,  p.  570,  followed  by  Vincent  of  Beau- 
vais, Spec,  hist.,  bk.  31,  ch.  129.  This  reference  to  the  Specuhtm  historialc  is  to  the 
printed  edition  I  have  used.  La  Palu's  text  reads  "libro  xxxi°,  capitulo  c," 
indicating  either  an  error  on  his  part  or  another  version  of  Vincent's  Specuhtm. 

19.  Bernard  Gui,  annis  1226-1227,  ed.  Muratori,  p.  571. 

20.  This  and  the  following  conclusio  are  taken  from  Bernard  Gui,  anno  1228,  ed. 
Muratori,  pp.  571-572,  a  text  which  contains  long  passages  from  GuiUaume 
de  Puylaurens,  ed.  Bouquet,  Recucil  des  historiens,  xix,  219  and  223. 

21.  The  break  between  conchisiones  2  and  3  is  not  marked  in  the  text,  but  a  marginal 
annotation  suggests  that  it  should  fall  on  fol.  11^  in  the  quotation  from  Guil- 
laume  de  Puylaurens,  beginning  "Interea  venerabihs  abbas  Grandis  Silve. . . ." 

22.  Bernard  Gui,  anno  1244,  ed.  Muratori,  p.  590,  containing  a  passage  from 
Guillaume  de  Puylaurens,  ch.  46,  ed.  Bouquet,  Recueil,  xx,  770. 

23.  Vincent  of  Beauvais,  Spec,  hist.,  bk.  31,  ch.  130. 

24.  Bernard  Gui,  annis  1240  and  1242,  ed.  Muratori,  pp.  574  and  589. 

25.  Vincent  of  Beauvais,  Spec,  hist.,  bk.  31,  ch.  148. 

26.  Pierre  des  Vaux-de-Cernay,  Historia  Albigaisis  (see  article  above,  n.  8),  par. 
560-563,  first  sentence. 

27.  Ibid.,  par.  563,  second  sentence,  to  569. 

28.  Ibid.,  par.  570-573. 

29.  Ibid.,  par.  574-576  (p.  270,  line  7). 

30.  Ibid.,  par.  576  (p.  270,  line  7)  to  582. 

31.  Ibid.,  par.  583-58?- 

32.  Ibid.,  par.  588-589. 

33.  Ibid.,  par.  590-594- 

34.  Ibid.,  par.  595. 

35.  Ibid.,  par.  596-599- 

36.  Ibid.,  par.  600. 

37.  Ibid.,  par.  601-605. 

38.  Ibid.,  par.  606-606A. 

39.  Ibid.,  par.  6o6b. 

40.  Ibid.,  par.  6o6c-6o6d. 

41.  Ibid.,  par.  607-609. 

42.  Ibid.,  par.  610-612. 

43.  Ibid.,  par.  613-620. 

44.  From  here  to  the  end  of  the  manuscript.  La  Palu  gives  the  text  of  the  Vita 
sanctorum  Amid  et  Amelii  in  a  form  very  close  to  that  pubhshed  by  F.  J.  Mone 
(see  article  above,  n.  12),  though  with  different  paragraph  divisions.  La  Palu's 
contribution  is  the  detailed  summary  which  appears  in  his  headings. 

[54] 


Eine  deutsche  Ubersetzung  des  **Opus  de 
felicitate"  von  Philipp  Beroaldus  (1502) 

JOSEF  BENZING 

DER  Bolognescr  Humanist  Philipp  Beroaldus  d.A.  (1453-1505) 
hat  ein  umfangreiches  philologisches  Werk  hinterlassen  und 
wurde  wahrend  des  ganzen  16.  Jahrhunderts  zu  den  bedeutendsten 
humanistischen  Lehrem  seiner  Zeit  gerechnet.^  Er  wurde  am  7.11. 
1453  zu  Bologna  als  Sohn  einer  angesehenen  Familie  geboren,  ging 
nach  dem  Studium  in  seiner  Heimatstadt  als  akademischer  Lehrer 
nach  Parma  und  hielt  sich  von  1476-1478  in  Paris  auf,  wo  er  wohl 
auch  an  der  Universitat  lehrte  und  im  regen  Austausch  mit  den 
dortigen  Humanisten  stand.  Mit  dem  28.4.1479  wurde  er  Professor 
fur  Rhetorik  und  Poetik  an  der  Universitat  zu  Bologna,  wo  er  bis  zu 
seinem  Tode  (17.7.1505)  eine  sehr  intensive  Lehrtatigkeit  ausiibte. 
Seine  Vorlesungen  waren  sehr  besucht,  darunter  auch  von  mehr  als 
200  auslandischen  Studenten.  Von  diesen  Schiilem  gibt  Krautter^  die 
Namen  von  einigen  deutschen,  darunter  auch  von  seinem  Lieblings- 
schuler  Jakob  von  Baden,  dem  spateren  Kurfiirsten  von  Trier.  Dazu 
miissen  noch  weitere  deutsche  gerechnet  werden,  dercn  Namen 
heute  noch  nicht  festgestellt  sind.  Bei  Friedlander-Malagola^  konnen 
sie  verzeichnet  sein,  wozu  Kjiod'^  weitere  Erganzungen  geben  konnte, 
ohne  sie  ausdriicklich  als  Schiiler  von  Beroaldus  zu  geben.  Vorlesun- 
gen iiber  antike  Autoren,  ihre  Interpretationen  und  Kommentare 
ubten  sicherlich  eine  grosse  Anziehungskraft  auf  seine  Zuhorer  aus. 

Das  literarische  Werk  von  Beroaldus,  das  hauptsachlich  in  unmit- 
telbarem  Zusammenhang  mit  seinem  akademischen  Unterricht  ent- 
standen  ist,  ist  recht  umfangreich.  Krautter  (S.i88fF.)  bringt  ein 
chronologisches  Verzeichnis  der  Erstdrucke;  der  Index  Aureliensis 
(117.759-898)  verzeichnet  139  selbstandige  Drucke  im  16.  Jahr- 
hundert.  Dabei  sind  nicht  die  stattliche  Zahl  seiner  Klassikerausgaben 
(Properz,  Sueton,  Cicero,  Apuleius  und  die  Scriptores  rei  rusticae) 
und  seine  lateinischen  Ubersetzungen  aus  Bocaccio  und  Petrarca 
eingereclinet.  Daneben  sind  noch  einige  Gelegenheitsarbeiten,  kleine 
rhetorische  Schriften  aus  politischen  und  hofischen  Anlassen  zu 
erwahnen. 

[55] 


Zu  diesen  gehort  auch  eine  kleine  Schrift  "Opus  (Opusculum)  de 
felicitate"  oder  nur  "De  felicitate,"  die  in  der  Erstausgabe  zu  Bologna 
bei  Franciscus  dictus  Plato  de  Benedictis  am  1.4.1495  herauskam 
(Gfy  4132).  Der  GW  4133-4135  verzeichnet  noch  drei  Einzelaus- 
gaben  im  15.  Jahrhundert,  der  Index  Aureliensis  funf  lateinische 
Ausgaben  von  1501-1516  und  eine  franzosische  Ubersetzung  in  zwei 
Ausgaben  (Paris  1543  und  Lyon  ca.1560).  Auch  in  mindestens  acht 
Sammelausgaben  [Varia  opuscula)  zu  Paris  1505-1520  ist  die  kleine 
Schrift  aufgenommen,  ein  Zeichen  dafiir,  daB  sie  sich  einiger  Beliebt- 
heit  erfreute.  Beroaldus  hat  sein  Werk  seinem  Schiiler  Jakob  II. 
von  Baden,  dem  altesten  Sohn  des  Markgrafen  Christoph  I.  von 
Baden,  gewidmet,  der  zusammen  mit  seinen  Briidem  Bemhard  und 
Ernst  die  Universitat  Bologna  zum  Studium  aufgesucht  hatte.^  Fiir 
sie  fiigte  er  auch  noch  am  Ende  seiner  Schrift  ein  Lobgedicht  auf 
Deutschland  bei.^ 

Oben  erwahnte  ich,  daB  es  eine  spatere  franzosische  Ubersetzung 
von  Beroaldus'  Schrift  gegeben  hat,  von  einer  deutschen  war  bis 
heute  nichts  bekannt  geworden.  Es  gibt  aber  davon  eine  zeitgenossi- 
sche  handschriftliche  vom  Jahre  1502,  die  die  Stadtbibliothek  zu 
Mainz  (Hs. 11,3  87)  besitzt.  Im  alten  Quart-Format  umfaBt  sie  108 
Blatter,  wovon  Blatt  1-3,  5-81  beschrieben  sind,  der  Rest  ist  leer.  Das 
vierte  Blatt  ist  herausgerissen,  wie  an  dem  noch  vorhandenem  Ge- 
genblatt  zu  erkennen  ist.  Dieses  Blatt  hatte  wohl  eine  ausgemalte 
Initiale  mit  Ranken,  weshalb  es  von  einem  "Rauber"  entwendet 
wurde.  Das  Blatt  68  liegt  lose  an  der  entsprechenden  Stelle,  wahrend 
das  Gegenblatt  wieder  fehlt  (bei  der  alten  Durchzahlung  wurde 
letzteres  nicht  beriicksichtigt).  Dadurch  fehlt  die  Ubersetzung  einer 
halben  Seite  des  Originaltextes  (nach  Bl.Cyb  der  Ausgabe  Bologna 
1499  [GPF4135]  =  Inc. 53  des  Mainzer  Gutenbergmuseums).  Bei 
dem  fehlenden  Anfang  sind  14/^3  Zeilen  des  iibersetzten  Textes  ver- 
loren  gegangen.  Das  Ende  des  deutschen  Textes  ist  abrupt,  ohne  jede 
Interpunktion.  Es  fehlen  die  auslautenden  1 1  /^  Zeilen  des  lateinischen 
Originals.  Nicht  iibersetzt  wurden  die  auf  BI.D4  stehenden  Verse 
des  Autors:  Distichon  ad  auditores,  Endecasyllabon  ad  Johannem 
Bentivolum  und  das  oben  erwahnte  Lobgedicht  auf  Deutschland. 
Die  dem  lateinischen  Text  vorausgehende  Widmung  an  Jakob  II. 
von  Baden  kam  gleichfalls  nicht  zur  Ubersetzung. 

Sie  wurde  ersetzt  dutch  eine  neue  Widmung  des  Ubersetzers 

[56] 


-'V      .'^ 


C>x  ^rCVf  'V^  ^^^*  v»%-y^  XXT  '- 


^). 


^^^cT  -i^>Y/iV-Rt^  -cfwiW  (  cv^vA  i-^  <*K^ 


{ 


?\ 


Mainz.  Stadtbibliothek,  MS.  ii,  387,  f.!*".  Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  the  library  named. 


Johannes  Wacker  an  den  Heidelberger  Kurfiirsten  Philipp  (geb. 
14.7.1448,  gest.  28.2.1508  zu  Germersheim).  Es  ist  eine  ausgespro- 
chen  devote  und  hofische  Zueignung,  die  dem  pfalzischen  Landes- 
herm,  der  sich  durch  sein  Eintreten  fiir  den  Humanismus  bekamit 
gemacht  hat,  huldigt.  Der  Ubersetzer  Johannes  Wacker  stammte  aus 
Neckargemiind  (nicht  weit  von  Heidelberg)  und  wurde  am  8. 
Oktober  1468  an  der  Universitat  zu  Heidelberg  immatrikuliert.^  Am 
9.10.1472  wurde  er  an  der  Universitat  zu  Koln  eingeschrieben  und 
diese  Eintragung  am  29.4.1474  emeuert.^  Wir  horen  erst  wieder  von 
ihm  am  30.11.1480,  als  er  als  Kanoniker  des  Heiligkreuzstifts  zu 
Mainz  aufgenommen  wurde.  Als  solcher  hat  er  am  24.4.1489  zusam- 
men  mit  anderen  Kanonikem  des  genannten  Stifts  den  Mainzer 
Kleriker  Ignaz  Mentzer  als  Prabendar  eingewiesen.^  Hier  wird  erals 
Lie.  theol.  bezeichnet,  wahrend  H.  Knodt^^  ihn  als  Ss.  Theol.  Doctor 
und  Professor  der  theologischen  Fakultat  zu  Mainz  gibt.  hi  einem 
recht  zuverlassigen  Verzeichnis  der  theologischen  Fakultat^  ^  erscheint 
sein  Name  nicht.  Bei  der  Aufnahme  ins  Heiligkreuzstift  wird  er  noch 
nicht  als  Lie.  theol.  bezeichnet,  erst  spater  bei  dem  Akt  von  1489. 
Moglicherweise  hat  er  diesen  Grad  zwischen  1480  und  1489  in  Mainz 
erworben.  Pratorius^^  fiihrt  ihn  wohl  mit  mehr  Recht  als  Dozenten 
der  philosophischen  Fakultat  auf,  sicherlich  aufgrund  von  Knodts 
Angabe  "in  Facultate  artium  studii  Moguntini  ut  stipendiatus  or- 
dinarius."  Bei  seinem  Tode  (1502)  hat  er  der  Mainzer  Universitats- 
bibliothek  23  Biicher  geschenkt,  was  ein  Hinweis  sein  kann,  daB  er 
der  Mainzer  Universitat  als  MitgHed  des  Lehrkorpers  angehort  hat. 
Uber  die  Zeitdauer  konnen  aber  nicht  einmal  Vermutungen  ange- 
stellt  werden.  Uber  seinen  Todestag  besitzen  wir  zwei  leicht  von 
einander  abweichende  Nachrichten:  der  erwahnte  Knodt  gibt  den 
Todestag  mit  V  kal.  Augusti  (also  28.7.),  wahrend  Arens^^  den  25. 
August  1502  nach  dem  Grabstein  im  St.  Mauritiusstift,  wo  Wacker 
auch  Dekan  war,  angibt.  Auf  diesem  Stein  ist  eingemeiselt  "Magi- 
ster"  und  "sacrae  Theologiae  Licentiatus." 

Der  Ubersetzer  Wacker  ist  bald  nach  Fertigstellung  der  Uber- 
setzung  von  Beroaldus'  Schrift  verstorben.  Im  Gedenken  an  die 
heimatliche  Universitat  Heidelberg,  wo  er  im  Alter  von  ca.  16-20 
Jahren  den  ersten  akademischen  Unterricht  erhalten  hat,  widmete  er 
sie  in  unterwurfiger  Verehrung  dem  Landesherm  seiner  Jugendjahre. 
Er  mag  um  1450  geboren  und  bei  seinem  Tod  ungefiihr  5oJahrealt 

[57] 


gewesen  sein.  Von  einem  Italienaufenthalt  und  Studium  dort  haben 
wir  bis  heute  keine  Kenntnis.  Ihni  mag  die  kleine  Schrift  des  Beroal- 
dus  in  Mainz  bekannt  geworden  sein,  wo  die  Ubersetzung  vielleicht 
als  rhetorisches  Zeugnis  aus  seinen  philosophischen  Ubungen  her- 
vorgegangen  ist.  Die  Ubersetzung  ist  wortlich;  selten  ist  mal  eine 
kleinere  Auslassung  festzustellen.  Zehn  Einzelprobleme  werden  nach 
den  Ansichten  heidnischer  und  christlicher  Schriftsteller  und  Philo- 
sophen  diskutiert.  Jedem  Beweis  ist  eine  reichliche  Zahl  von  Bei- 
spielen  aus  Geschichte  und  Sage  beigefiigt.  Um  welche  Probleme  es 
sicli  dabei  handelt,  zeigen  die  Uberschriften  der  lo  bzw.  ii  Ab- 
schnitte,  die  audi  gleichzeitig  eine  tjbersetzungsprobe  sein  sollen: 

A4a:  An  voluptas  sit  summa  felicitas  =  Bl.8r:  Ob  wolust  sey  die  hochst 

seligkeyt 
A6b:  Voluptatem  non  esse  summum  bonum  =  Bl.i2v:  Das  wolust  nit  sey 

das  hochst  gut 
A8a:  An  gloria  sit  summum  felicitatis  =  Bl.iyv:  Ob  lobsam  ere  sey  die 

hochst  seligkeit 
Bzb:  Gloriam  non  videri  fmem  felicitatis  =  Bl.24r:  Das  lobsam  ere  nit 

sey  ein  ende  der  seligkeyt 
B2b:  An  in  potentia  sit  collocata  felicitas  =  BI.25V:  Ob  vfFgroB  macht 

die  seligkeyt  gesetzt  sy 
B3a:  Potentiam  non  esse  summum  bonum  =  Bl.27r:  Das  gewalt  nit  sey 

das  aller  best  gut 
B6a:  An  diuitiae  sint  fmis  honorum  (wohl  Satzfehler  fiir  bonorum)  = 

Bl.37r:  Ob  richtumb  sey  das  ende  aller  gutten  dinge 
Cib:  Diuitias  non  esse  fmem  felicitatis  =  BI.47V:  Das  richtumb  nit  sey 

das  ende  der  seligkeyt 
C3a:  An  virtus  sit  effectrix  vitae  beatae  =  BI.52V:  Ob  tugent  sey  eyn 

schopfferin  des  ewigenn  lebns 
C4b:  Virtutem  per  se  non  satis  esse  ad  vitam  beatam  perficiendam  = 

Bl.57r:  Das  tugent  durch  sich  selbs  alleyn  nit  gnung  sey  das  selig 

leben  volkommen  zu  machenn 
C6a:  (als  Marginal iiberschrift) :  Bona  corporis  =  Bl.62r:  Von  den  gut- 
tern  des  leybs 

Die  Texte  selbst  begiimen  jedesmal  mit  eingezeichneten  Initialen 
(blau),  die  meisten  mit  rot  vorgezeichneten  Ranken,  von  denen 
einige  auch  teilweise  ausgefiihrt  sind.  Zweimal  ist  audi  die  Initiale 
nur  in  Maiblumenart  gegeben.  Eine  praclitige,  farbige  Initiale  mit 
Ranken  hat  die  Widmung  des  Ubersetzers  an  den  Kurfiirsten  Phi- 

[58] 


lipp,  die  in  ihrer  Art  zu  den  gut  zusammengestellten  omamentalen 
Arbeiten  des  Mittelrheingebietes  gehort.^"* 

Zum  AbschluB  gebe  ich  den  Wortlaut  der  Widmung  an  den 
Heidelberger  Kurfiirsten,  die  bis  heute  das  einzige  literarische  Er- 
zeugnis  des  Ubersetzers  Wackcr  darstellt. 

(D)Em  durchluchtigsten  hochgcbornen  fursten  vnd  Hern.hern  Philipsen 
Pfaltzgraffenn  bey  Ryn  Hertzogen  In  beyern  Des  Heyligen  Romischen 
riclis  ErtztruchsesB  vnnd  Churfurstenn  mynem  gnedigsten  hern.  Entbeut 
ich  Johann  wacker  doctor  nieyn  themutig  gebete  gegen  gott  /  vnd  alle 
myn  vermegHch  vnderthenig  gehorsani  bereyt  dinstbarkeyt  zuuor  / 
mich  damit  euwern  fursthchenn  gnaden  befehlend.  Dwyl  euwer  fursthch 
gnad  (on  hebkosenn  zu  schriben)  vor  andern  fursten  vnd  hern  mit  hoher 
scharpfFer  vernunfFt  /  weiBheit  vnd  baldfehigem  verstant  /  mit  vil  ade- 
hchen  angeborne  tugenden  von  got  vnd  der  natur  hoch  begabt  dabey 
auch  mit  sonderhcher  macht  von  oben  herabe  begnadet  /  dar  Inn  sie  der 
konigyn  Palladi.  mit  fursthchem  gemute  /  vnd  vermischung  gnadenricher 
barmhertzigkeit  [barmhertzigkeit  ist  durchstrichen,  dafur  steht  am  Rande 
"myltikeyt"]  JuHo  dem  ersten  Romischen  Keyser  /  mit  starcker  stanthafF- 
tiger  strenckheit  vnd  holtsehgen  fursthchen  syttigen  geberden  gezirdt  / 
Scipioni  dem  edeln  Romer  /  In  mitteylung  vnd  hanthabung  aller  erber- 
keyt  wh  gerechtigkeyt  /  dem  konig  Minos  /  In  gotlicher  forcht  vnnd 
erehrnbiettung  Nume  dem  zweyten  konig  zu  Rome  /  In  reygiment  vnd 
beschirmug  der  Pfakz  vnd  loblichen  Kurfurstenthumbs  mit  langwirigem 
guttem  frieden  Octauiano  Augusto  gar  woll  zuu  glichs  /  vnd  by  dem 
allem  eyn  sonder  liebhaber  /  gonner  /  nerer  /  vnd  patron  /  aller  philosophy 
/  vnd  naturlicher  weiBheit  (yn  der  ich  gem  der  mynst  schuler  syn  wolt) 
ist  /  vnd  ich  dan  In  kurtzuerschynen  tagen  eyn  schon  meysterlich  w^ol- 
gesatzte  rede  /  des  hochwiszenn  vnd  wolgelerten  manns  Philippi  Beroaldj 
/  noch  Inn  leben  /  von  der  v^elt  seligkeit  etlicher  Philosophen  meynuge 
zum  kurtzsten  begrifFende  /  warvfF  weltlich  seligkey t  zusetzn  sey  /  mit 
ettwan  vil  hoffelichn  spruchen  /  exempeln  /  vnd  gezucten  v^orten  / 
verlesen.  Han  ich  gedacht  /  dwil  diB  materij  sunst  gar  v^eytleufFig  /  durch 
dissenn  Philippum  so  lustlich  vnd  kurtz  zusamen  bracht  /  vnd  gezwungen 
/  das  es  euw^er  furstlich  gnad  zuzeitten  zuhoren  /  hergctzlich  vnd  gefellig 
seyn  solt  /  dwil  sie  auch  vil  lustiger  historien  vnd  gutter  spruch  In  Ir 
beschleuBt  /  vnd  darumb  so  ich  auch  euwern  furstlichen  gnaden  myner 
vnschicklichen  on  entlichkeit  halb  /  sunst  zu  nicht  nutz  syn  mag  /  Das  In 
eyn  grob  onbehauwen  geuchkreuchwysch  [geuchkreuchwysch  ist  ge- 
strichen,  dafiir  am  Rande  Geuchgewysch-'bauerisch']  dutsch  zu  bringen  / 
mich  damit  vndertheniglich  zu  herzeugen  In  aller  dinstbarkeyt  flehenlich 

[59] 


byttend  /  solch  von  mir  In  gnaden  vnd  gutter  meynung  anzunemen  /  vnd 
ob  es  grob  onzirlich  gesetzt  ist  /  die  gutten  sententz  /  spriich  /  vnd 
meynung  des  guttenn  Philosophen  /  mern  (?)  dan  das  vnschicklich  deutsch 
vnd  myn  vndcrthenigen  gehorsamenn  dinstlichen  willen  /  dar  In  gefallen 
zu  lassen  /  mir  damit  In  gnaden  allzit  zubiettenn  /  Hie  mit  befehle  ich 
mich  aber  mals  euwern  furstlichenn  gnaden  /  die  der  almechtig  gott  In 
zittlicher  [es  folgt  ein  ausradiertes  Wort]  mit  nachfolgender  ewiger  selig- 
keyt  langzit  vfFenthaltenn  woll  Actum  VfF  der  heyligen  drey  konig 
Abent  Anno  dnj  Tausent  funfFhundert  vnd  zwey 


ANMERKUNGEN 

1.  Vgl.  dazu  Konrad  Krautter,  Philologische  Methode  und  humanistische  Existenz: 
FiUppo  Beroaldo  und  sein  Kommentar  zum  Goldenen  Esel  des  Apukius,  Humani- 
stische Bibliothek,  R.i,  Bd.9  (Miinchen,  1971)- 

2.  A.a.O.S.16-21. 

3.  Ernst  Friedlander  und  Carolus  Malagola,  Acta  nationis  Gerniankae  Universitatis 
Bonoriietisis  (Berlin,  1887). 

4.  Gustav  C.  Knod,  Deutsche  Studenten  in  Bologna  {1289-1562)  (Berlin,  1899). 

5.  Ihre  Namen  fmden  sich  nicht  in  der  Matrikelausgabe  von  Friedlander-Malagola. 

6.  Vgl.  dazu  Joseph  Neff,  "Markgraf  Jakob  II.  von  Baden  und  der  Humanist 
PhiHpp  Beroaldus  d.J.,"  in  Zcitschrift  der  GeseUschaft  fiir  Befordertwg  der  Ge- 
schichts-,  Altertums-  und  Volkskunde  von  Freiburg,  deni  Breisgauundden  angrenzen- 
den  Landschaften,  11  (1892-94),  S.1-22,  der  die  Widmung  aufS. 13-16  in  deut- 
scher  Ubersetzung  und  das  Lobgedicht  auf  S.iSf.  imlat.  Original  wiedergibt. 
NefF  verwechselt  hier  Philipp  B.d.A.  mit  Philipp  B.d.J.,  dem  NefFen  des  erste- 
ren  (geb. 1.10. 1472  zu  Bologna,  gest.  August  1518  zuRom  als  Leiter  der  Bibho- 
theca  Vaticana)  und  macht  denjiingeren  zum  Verfasser  des  "Opus  de  feHcitate." 
Die  Angaben,  daB  Jakob  knapp  16  Jahre  alt  ungefahr  zwei  Jahre  in  Bologna 
studierte,  dann  1488  Bologna  verlieB,  um  iiber  Rom  (aber  mit  der  Angabe 
1498)  nach  Deutschland  zuriickzukehren,  bediirfen  nochmaliger  Uberpriifung. 
Jakob  war  spater  Propst  an  St.  Pauhnus  bei  Trier,  wurde  von  seinem  GroB- 
oheim,  dem  Erzbischof  Johann  II.  von  Trier,  am  16.1.1500  zum  Koadjutor 
angenommen,  am  5.3.1503  selbst  zum  Erzbischof  von  Trier  gewahlt  und  starb 
am  27.4.1511  zu  Kobi  (vgl.  ADB,  13,  548). 

7.  Matrikel  Heidelberg,  i,  325:  "Johannes  Wacker  de  Gamundia  circa  Necarum 
cler.  Worm.  dyoc.  viii  octobris  1468." 

8.  Matrikel  Koln,  i,  336.12:  "Johannes  Vacker  de  Ghamundia." 

9.  Statutenbuch  von  Heihgkreuz,  Bli""  und  2""  (Mainz  Stadtarchiv,  Hs.  13/190). 

10.  Heinrich  Knodt,  De  Moguntia  litterata  commentationes  historicae,  T.2,  Moguntiae 
(1752),  S.41. 

11.  Verzeichnis  der  doctores,  licentiati  und  baccalaurii  und  von  zum  ConciHum 
der  (theol.)  Fakultat  zugelassenen  1477-1726  (Mainz  StA  18/140,3  eine  Kopie 


[60] 


nebst  Film;  das  Original  liegt  in  den  Mainzer  Archivbestanden  zu  Lubben). 

12.  Otfried  Pratorius,  "Professoren  der  kurfurstlichen  Universitat  Mainz:  1477- 
1797,"  in  Fainilie  und  Volk,  2  (1953),  5.  134- 

13.  Fritz  Viktor  Arens,  Die  Inschriften  der  Stadt  Mainz  von  friihmittelalterlicher  Zeit 
bis  1650  (Stuttgart,  1958),  N°.i054. 

14.  Vgl.  Elgin  Vaassen,  "Die  Werkstatt  der  Mainzer  Riesenbibel  in  Wurzburg 
iind  ihr  Umkreis,"  Archiv  fiir  Geschichte  des  Buchwesens,  13  (1973),  Sp.iizifF. 


[61] 


Three  Early  Venetian  Editions  of  Augustinus 
Datus  and  the  Press  of  Florentius  de  Argentina 


CURT  F.  BUHLER 


FOR  many  years,  it  has  been  the  contention  of  the  present  writer 
that  the  study  of  early  printed  books  for  bibhographical  pur- 
poses should  not  be  limited  to  examinations  of  the  types,  decoration, 
paper,  and  binding  but  that  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  textual 
contents  is  of  equal — if  not  (on  occasion)  of  paramount — impor- 
tance. In  many  previous  studies,^  the  evidence  provided  by  the  text 
yielded  more  satisfactory  results  than  did  the  data  which  derived 
from  typographical  research  and  from  the  analysis  of  the  other 
physical  aspects  of  certain  books.  A  characteristic  example  of  such 
investigation  and  the  results  to  be  derived  from  it  is  provided  by  an 
examination  of  three  of  the  earliest  Venetian  printings  of  the  well- 
known  Elegantiolae  by  Augustinus  Datus  (Agostino  Dati  in  the  ver- 
nacular form).  These  are  the  following:^  [Venice:  Printer  of  Datus, 
ca.  1472]  (GW^8o38;  Goff  D-56);  [Venice:  Florentius  de  Argentina, 
ca.  1472]  [GW  8039;  Goff  D-57);  and  [Venice]:  Florentius  de  Ar- 
gentina, [ca.  1472]  [GW  8040;  Goff  D-58).  Two  statements  which 
the  Gesamtkatalog  der  Wiegendrucke  attaches  to  its  description  of  No. 
8039  deserve  our  immediate  scrutiny.  This  edition  is  said  to  be  a 
quarto,  which  it  is  not.  The  GPFadds  this  further  note:  "1st  offenbar 
Nachdruck  von  Nr  8038."  This  is  most  probably  incorrect.  For  the 
purposes  of  this  study  a  few  other  editions  have  been  consulted.-^  All 
these  printings,  together  with  their  sigh,  may  be  listed  thus: 

EDITION  COPY 

1  [Venice:  Printer  of  Datus,  ca.  1472]  (GH^  8038)  PML 

2  [Venice:  Florentius  de  Argentina,  ca.  1472]  {GW  8039)  PML 

3  [Rome:  Johannes  Gensberg,  ca.  1474]  (GI>F  8044)  PML 

4  [Paris:  Au  SoufHet  Vert,  ca.  1476]  (GI^  8050)  PML 

5  Perugia:  [Stephanus  Arndes,  ca.  1481]  (GI^8o68)  PML 

6  [Deventer:  Richard  Paffraet,  ca.  1480]  [GW  8060)  PML 

7  [Venice:  Johannes  Rubeus,  ca.  1490]  (GH^  8095)  PML 

8  Deventer:  [Richard  Paffraet],  1496  (GI^8ii2)  PML 

[62] 


a  [Mantua:  Johannes  Vurster,  ca.  1472]  (GW^8o36)  Yale 

b  Parma:  Andreas  Portilia,  [ca.  1478]  (GPF8056)  Yale 

c  St.  Albans:  [Schoolmaster  Printer,  ca.  1480]  {GW  806$)  Cambridge 

f  Ferrara:  Andreas  Belfortis,  19  Oct.  1471  {GW  80^5)        LC 

g  [Brescia]:  Bernardinus  de  Misintis,  10  Feb.  1496  NYPL 
{GW  8113) 

i  Siena:  Simeone  di  Niccol6  Nardi,  27  Oct.  isos"*  Yale 

k  [Paris:  unassigned,  ca.  1505]  Yale 

1  Paris:  Petit  and  Bade,  1508  Columbia 

m  Venice:  [unassigned],  1543  Columbia 

n  Venice:  Bindoni  and  Pasini,  1546  Yale 

p  [Venice]:  Florentius  de  Argentina,  [ca,  1472]  UCalBL 
{GW  8040) 


Turning  first  of  all  to  the  paper  on  which  edition  2  is  printed,  the 
merest  glance  suffices  to  prove  that  the  Morgan  copy  of  this  edition 
cannot  be  a  quarto.^  The  chain  lines  are  vertical  and  the  watermarks 
appear  in  the  upper  margin  near  the  fold.  Clearly,  this  is  no  quarto — 
but  it  is  also  no  true  octavo.^  In  the  second  quire  of  the  Morgan 
copy,^  the  watermark  appears  only  on  leaf  6;  in  the  third  quire  on 
leaves  1,3,6,  and  7;  and  in  the  fourth  and  last  quire  on  leaves  2,  3,  4, 
6,  and  10.  But  this  is  impossible  in  regular  octavo  printing  where,  due 
to  the  folding,  portions  o£ the  jiligranes  should  appear  either  on  leaves 
1,  4,  5,  8  or  2,  3,  6,  7.^  The  only  apparent  explanation  for  the  actual 
appearance  of  the  watermarks  in  these  folios  is  that  the  book  was 
printed  on  "quartered  sheets";  that  is,  the  original  sheets  were  folded 
in  half  and  then  cut  apart;  folded  a  second  time  and  again  cut  open; 
after  that  they  went  to  the  press.  It  must  be  assumed  that  the  resulting 
sheets  were  then  printed  as  if  they  were  folios,  with  only  two  pages 
(imposed  as  in  folio)  on  each  side  of  the  final  (cut-up)  sheets.^  In  no 
other  way  can  one,  apparently,  explain  the  appearance  of  the  water- 
marks in  the  Morgan  copy  of  edition  2,  However,  this  seems  a  most 
clumsy  way  to  print  a  book,  resulting  in  an  awkward  piece  of  book 
making. 

That  Florentius  was  also  given  to  printing  on  half-sheets  of  paper 
is  made  evident  by  other  products  of  his  press.  In  the  PML  copy^^  of 
the  De  historia  Roiiiana  of  Sextus  Rufus  [Venice:  Florentius  de  Ar- 
gentina, ca.  1472],  watermarks  will  be  found  on  all  ten  folios  of  the 

[63  ] 


second  quire.  ^^  This  is  impossible  in  normal  quarto  printing  and 
must  be  the  result  of  printing  on  divided  half-sheets  (sheets  cut  in 
half  and  then  printed  as  fohos). 

The  copy  of  the  Sphaera  mundi  by  Johannes  de  Sacro  Busto  [Ven- 
ice: Florentius  de  Argentina,  n.  a.  8  May  1472  =  GofFj-400]  at  The 
New  York  Public  Library  tells  a  similar  story.  The  second  quire  con- 
sists of  twelve  leaves  and  watermarks  can  be  detected  on  folios  1,3, 
5,  6,  7,  8,  10,  and  12.  This  would  seem  to  be  impossible  in  normal 
quarto  printing,  since  this  arrangement  of  watermarks  could  only 
have  occurred  if  the  third  (middle)  sheet  had  contained  two  water- 
marks— one  in  each  half  of  the  sheet.  The  explanation  for  the  divided 
half-sheet  method  of  printing  may  well  be  that  Florentius  was  forced 
to  employ  this  method  since,  at  the  time  of  the  production  of  these 
works,  he  may  have  possessed  only  a  rather  small  press. ^^  It  is  indeed 
certain  that  the  publications  of  Florentius's  press  were  all  small  books, 
both  in  format  and  in  number  of  leaves.  ^^ 

A  final,  technical  curiosity  in  the  "opera"  of  Florentius  remains  to 
be  investigated.  This  is  to  be  found  in  the  Congratulatio  pro  patria  by 
Jacobus  Romanus.^"^  The  collation  of  the  example  in  the  Morgan 
Library  is:  4°  [a^  b^],  but  in  the  Library  of  Congress  copy  it  is:  4° 
[a^  b^].  There  can  be  no  question  about  the  differing  collations  for 
the  same  book,  since  in  the  PML  copy  strings  are  visible  between  the 
fourth  and  fifth  and  between  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  leaves.  In  the 
LC's  volume,  the  strings  may  be  seen  between  the  third  and  fourth 
and  between  the  tenth  and  eleventh  folios. 

Such  differences  in  collation  in  otherwise  identical  copies  have 
been  previously  noted  elsewhere, ^^  especially  in  regard  to  Cologne 
incunables.  The  explanation  for  this  is  relatively  simple.  Printed  leaves 
1-6  and  8-13  form  two  signatures,  while  leaf  7  is  the  conjugate  of  a 
blank  leaf  If  the  blank  leaf  was  wrapped  around  the  first  quire,  the 
collation  for  this  incunable  will  be:  [a^  b^];  14  leaves,  the  first  blank. 
If  the  blank  leaf  was  wrapped  around  the  second  quire,  the  collation 
for  this  book  would  be:  [a^  b^];  14  leaves,  the  last  blank.  What,  one 
wonders,  would  be  the  collation  of  the  ideal  copy? 


II 


As  for  the  Gesamtkatalog s  comment  that  edition  2  {GW  8039)  "ist 
offenbar  Nachdruck  von  Nr  8038,"  it  is  certainly  true  that  the  two 

[64] 


langiruf: ut Ma(5le tiirtute  elo-  i.^cp  SC po 
ctx  ufurpat.  SC  fcnpfores  hifronaru  .-  &:  c'c 
mu  oratores  ipfi  :c]'ji  fer.TiO:  ut  multi  enidi 
tifTimt  traiut:a  facns  dedu<5lus  eff.  y 

Q^^uotiesalicaiusexplicattin  rumnsfi         '  ^^'"^ 

lie genusfeu locu-gerile: ar patnu romen  ^•'^-•-''•^  ' "/  '*'"* A*^ 
effmgimustqtTodqrecuseftecerit:  fortaf  -/'''■'^^ 
fe  baud  latine  locutus  fit.  fed  i  Ilepi  Je  peni 
tus  a^cp  indecorc:  ut  c]ui  fuerit  a  fyracufis 
oriundusno  de fyracufis  daendurfed  fyra 
cufanus  c:  no  de'atbenis:  fed  atheniefis.  no 
de  clufio:  (ed  clufinus.atcp  i  generrbus.<5i 
fa  mi  Ills  node  cu  ablatiuo  utimur:ut  multi 
fed  inde  rome  effi'ci  mus  ut  no  de  Scauris 
no  de  Graccbis*  fed  Gracbus.  no  Catulis 
fedCatulus.node  Datti's  fed  dattus.  qua 
quide  ad  rem  id  merito  affercdu  fit:  qcod 
Plmius  ipfe  aiebat  ^quod  denuationes  firas 
ro  bnt  regulas.led  exeut:  terminaturc^uti 
ip  fis  auvS^cnbus  placet,  ficut  a  tauro  taureti 
6<^taurinu  dicimus-qucs  nos  R^  cmanos  did 
rwus  dicunt"  Gra&ri  .quos  Cartlia 

gi'nenfesulli 


m^ 


Augustinus  Datus,  Elcgantiolae.  [Venice:  Florentius  de  Argentina,  about  1472.]  Signature  [d6]. 
Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  The  Pierpont  Morgan  Library. 


editions  are  closely  related.  They  agree  page-for-page  through  folio 
27  recto,  and  again  at  the  end  of  the  volume,^^  though  the  nature  of 
the  correspondence  is  somewhat  different  there.  The  coincidence  of 
text  reappears  with  folio  38  of  edition  2  but  in  the  following  manner: 

folio  38  verso  of  2  =  folio  39  recto  of  1 
folio  39  recto  of  2  =  folio  39  verso  of  1 
folio  39  verso  of  2  =  folio  40  recto  of  1 
folio  40  recto  of  2  =  folio  40  verso  of  1 
folio  40  verso  of  2  is  blank 

Such  correspondence  cannot  be  accidental,  and  it  follows  that  the 
one  edition  must  have  been  set  from  the  other.  A  similar  relationship 
must  exist  between  the  two  editions  published  by  Florentius.^"^ 
Though  they  do  not  agree  page-for-page,  the  one  must  have  been 
used  as  the  "Vorlage"  for  the  other. 


Ill 


The  texts  of  the  three  Venetian  editions  which  we  have  under  dis- 
cussion have  been  compared  with  one  another  and  a  large  number  of 
significant  variant  readings  have  come  to  light.  These  may  be  ex- 
pected to  be  of  importance  in  determining  the  sequence  of  the  edi- 
tions. Of  such  variants,  five  of  the  most  important  are  the  following: 

1.  "Sed  &  admodum  &  in  primis  positiuis  adiuncta  uim  ferme 
eandem  retinent"  (ed.  1,  sig.  [bi]).  For  "uim  ferme",  editions  2  a  p 
have  "uniformia",  adding  "uim"  at  the  end  of  the  sentence.  Agreeing 
with  1  are:  345678bcfgiklmn. 

2.  The  following  extract  is  said  to  come  from  Terence  [Heauton 
Timommenos) :  "ut  illud  Terentii  in  heautont.  Tantisper^^  te  dici 
meum  nolo:  dum  quod  te  dignum  est  facies.  Ego  te  tantisper  magna 
uoluptate  afficior:  dum  apud  te  uiuo"  (ed.  1,  sig.  [c3]).  Editions  2  a  p 
attribute  this  to  the  Andria,  but  no  such  passage  is  found  there.  There 
is,  however,  a  comparable  passage  given  to  Menedemus  in  Act  1  of 
The  Self-Tormentor  (Venice:  Aldine  Press,  1545,  f  52^).^^  Agreeing 
with  1  are:  345678bcgiklmn  (f  has  "in  eunucho"). 

3.  "Vox  nanque  eadem  est  at  uis  ipsa  longe  diuersa  ut  abunde 
laetus  est:  errabundus:  qui  longe  atque  abundans  in  errore  est:  &  tu 
quoque  hisdem  utere  nominibus"  (ed.  2,  sigs.  [d2''-d3'"]).  Here  there 
is  a  lacuna  in  the  text  amounting  to  some  forty-six  lines.  Actually 

[65] 


this  omission  corresponds  exactly  to  the  recto  and  verso  of  sig.  [di] 
of  edition  p.^°  There  is  no  lacuna  in:i  345678abcfgiklmn. 

4.  "sicut  a  tauro  taureum  &  taurinum  dicimus:  quos  nos  Romanos 
dicimus  dicunt  Graeci  [20  mm.  space]  quos  Carthaginenses:  illi  [58 
mm.  space]"  (ed.  2,  sig.  [d6]).  So  in  editions  a  p,  but  editions  13456 
7  b  c  f  g  i  k  1  m  n  (8  omits  text  here)  print  "Romeos"  in  the  first  space 
and  "Carchidones"  in  the  second. 

5.  Edition  1,  sig.  [e6],  correctly  has  "die  crastini"  where  2  reads 
"die  crastu".  It  may  be  suspected  that  this  reading  ("crastum")  is  a 
misreading  by  the  compositor  of  a  contracted  form  ("crastii")  in  his 
copy — and  this  is  precisely  the  reading  in  edition  p.  Agreeing  with  1 
are:  345678acgiklmn(b  and  f  read:  "die  crastina"). 

As  the  three  Venetian  editions  which  we  have  been  discussing  are 
related  (see  above,  section  11),  a  maximum  number  of  nine  sequences 
is  possible: 

1.  1-^2-^p  4.  2 -^p-^  1^1  7.  i<— 2— >p 

2.  1— ^p— >2  5.  p->l— ^2  8.  1<— p— >2 

3.  2-^1— >p  6.  p^2— ^1  9.  p<— 1-^2 

Since  1  and  2  agree  page-for-page  throughout  the  major  part  of  the 
two  books, 22  no  edition  can  intervene  between  them.  This  eliminates 
sequences  2,  4,  and  8.  Again,  edition  p  must  have  been  the  prototype 
for  2  on  the  evidence  discovered  in  example  3 ,  plus  that  advanced  by 
the  curious  variant  in  example  5.^^  Further  support  for  this  opinion 
may  be  found  in  the  variants  p  and  2  have  in  common  in  examples  1, 
2,  and  4.  This  makes  the  patterns  1,  3,  5,  7,  and  9  impossible.  Thus 
pattern  6  remains  as  the  only  possible  order  of  publication. 

IV 

The  above  arguments  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  correct  order  of 
the  editions  is  precisely  the  opposite  of  that  given  by  the  Gesamt- 
katalog  dcr  Wkgcndmcke,  and  the  three  should  be  listed  in  the  order: 
GW  8040,  GW  8039,  and  GW  8038.  Of  course,  one  cannot — and 
certainly  should  not — criticize  the  GW  for  such  slight  errors.  If  the 
staff  of  this  great  enterprise  devoted  as  much  time  to  determine  such 
minutiae  as  this  bit  of  research  has  entailed,  then  the  important  task  of 
completing  the  Gesamtkatalog  would  never  eventuate.  So  often  de- 
tailed study  is  barren  of  results.  One  never  knows  if  such  careful, 

[66] 


textual  examination — protracted  and  tedious — will  produce  any 
evidence  whatever,  and  if  it  does,  it  may  well  simply  support  already 
existing  beliefs. 


NOTES 

1.  See,  for  example,  the  writer's  articles:  "The  Churl  and  the  Bird  and  The  Dictes 
and  Sayings  of  the  Philosophers:  Two  Notes,"  part  i,  "The  Two  Caxton  Editions 
of  The  Churl  and  the  Bird"  The  Library,  ser.  4,  21  (1940-41),  279-284;  "The 
First  Edition  of  The  Abbey  of  the  Holy  Ghost,"  Studies  in  Bibhography,  6  (1954), 
101-106;  "The  Earliest  Editions  ofjuvenal,"  Studies  in  the  Renaissance,  2  (1955), 
84-95;  "Studies  in  the  Early  Editions  of  the  Fiore  di  virtu,"  Papers  of  the  Biblio- 
graphical Society  of  America,  49  (1955),  315-339;  "Three  Venetian  Editions  of 
the  Peregrinationes  Terrae  Sanctae  Printed  in  the  Fifteenth  Century,"  Contributi 
alia  storia  del  libra  italiano:  Miscellanea  in  onore  di  Laniberto  Donati  (1969),  pp. 
87-92;  "The  Earliest  Spanish  Printings  of  Sedulius,"  Gutenbcrg-Jahrbuch  (1972), 
pp.  107-109;  and  "Observations  on  the  1562  Editions  of  Cardinal  Reginald 
Pole's  De  Concilia  and  Reformatio  Angliae,"  Studies  in  Bibliography,  26  (1973), 
232-234. 

2.  GIV  =  Gesamtkatalog  der  Wiegendrucke  (1925-40);  Goff  =  Frederick  R.  GofF, 
Incunabula  in  American  Libraries  (1964);  the  other  sigla  will  either  be  familiar  to 
the  reader  or  can  be  found  in  these  books. 

3 .  The  importance  of  these  readings  is  that  they  lend  support  to  the  theory  set 
forth  here  and  tend  to  indicate  the  trend  of  the  readings  in  point  of  time. 

4.  This  edition  may  be  regarded  as  "semiofficial"  since  it  was  begun  by  Dati's  son 
Nicolo  and  was  completed  by  the  latter's  nephew,  Girolamo.  Its  readings  are 
consequently  of  great  importance  in  determining  the  correct  text. 

5.  It  is  hsted  as  a  quarto  by  GofFD-57,  Pell  4127,  and  IGI  3338.  The  collation  is: 
[a-d^°].  There  is  no  copy  in  UCalS(M)L  as  hsted  by  Goff  and  this  entry  should 
be  deleted. 

6.  In  connection  with  this,  see  my  paper:  "Chainlines  versus  Imposition  in 
Incunabula,"  Studies  in  Bibliography,  23  (1970),  141-145. 

7.  There  is  a  note  in  the  EC's  copy  to  the  effect  that  the  book  is  an  8°  and  that 
watermarks  appear  in  the  upper  corner.  This  copy  has  watermarks  on  leaves 
5  and  7  of  the  first  quire  and  on  leaves  6  and  10  of  the  last.  Signatures  [b]  and 
[c]  are  bound  in  the  wrong  order. 

8.  Compare  Ronald  B.  McKerrow,  An  Introduction  to  Bibliography  (1928),  p.  167. 
An  octavo  volume  with  quires  often  leaves  each  might  present  problems  in 
imposition. 

9.  One  must  also  assume  that  the  watermark  was  not  perfectly  centered  in  the 
sheet,  so  that  (for  instance,  in  quire  2  above)  all  of  the  watermark  can  appear  in 
one  leaf  (foHo  6),  whereas  only  half  of  the  watermark  should  appear  there  and 
the  other  half  in  its  conjugate  (foUo  5). 


[67] 


10.  In  the  Yale  copy,  watermarks  occur  on  leaves  2,  3,  8,  9  of  the  first  quire  and  on 
leaves  1,  2,  9,  10  of  the  second.  The  first  quire,  then,  could  present  perfectly 
normal  quarto  printing  (for  a  collation:  [a-b^°]);  the  second  sheet  and  the  half- 
sheet  were  so  printed  that  they  folded  into  the  folded  first  sheet.  But  in  the  sec- 
ond quire  composition  must  have  been  so  arranged  that  the  sheets  were  all 
folded  together.  This  imphes  two  different  forms  of  imposition  in  a  book  of 
twenty  leaves,  a  most  unlikely  situation.  Printing  with  divided  half-sheets 
would  be  the  more  Hkely  explanation  for  this  phenomenon.  This  edition  is 
GoffR-354. 

11.  The  British  Museum's  copy  of  (Datus)  edition  p  has  eight  watermarks  (folios  1, 
2,  4,  5,  6,  7,  9, 10)  in  ten  leaves  of  quire  [c],  while  the  UCalBL  copy  appears  to 
have  but  a  single  watermark  (foHo  9)  in  the  first  signature.  These  certainly  do 
not  indicate  normal  quarto  printing. 

12.  For  further  comments,  see:  BMC  v:xii,  204-205;  Ferdinand  Geldner,  Die 
deiitschen  Iiiktiiiabcldrucker  (1968-70),  11,  71;  and  Konrad  Haebler,  Die  dcutschen 
Buchdrucker  des  XV.  Jahrhunderts  im  Auslande  (1924),  p.  104  (who  speaks  of  the 
thirteen  "Quartbande,  fast  ausnahmslos  von  ganz  geringem  Umfange,"  that 
possessed  "die  gemeinsame  Eigentiimlichkeit,  dass  sie  alle  in  Quarto  gesetzt 
sind"!). 

13.  The  edition  no.  1  (of  Datus)  seems  to  have  been  printed  as  a  perfectly  normal 
quarto.  The  coUation  is:  [a^°  b-d^  e^]. 

14.  [Venice]:  Florentius  de  Argentina,  20  March  1472  =  Goff  R-317;  BMC 
v:204. 

15.  See  my  discussion  in  "Collations  and  Editions,"  Trans.  Camh.  Bill.  Soc,  5 
(1969-71),  237-240. 

16.  The  lacuna  in  edition  2  compelled  the  compositor  of  1  to  rearrange  the  pages  so 
as  to  be  able  to  incorporate  this  additional  text.  See  next  section. 

17.  It  is  extremely  unhkely  that  for  two  editions  of  the  same  text  a  printer  would 
have  used  different  "copy." 

18.  The  adverb  "tantisper"  does  not  occur  in  the  Andria. 

19.  "Ego  te  meum  esse  dici  tantisper  nolo,  Dum,  quod  te  dignum  est,  facies." 

20.  It  is  clear  that  2  must  have  been  set  from  p  since  2  omits  a  portion  exactly  equal 
to  the  contents  of  a  single  leaf  in  p.  This  leaf  was  either  overlooked  during 
composition  or  was  wanting  in  the  copy  used  as  "Vorlage."  Perhaps  the  latter 
is  the  real  cause  for  the  lacuna,  because  there  is  a  slight  change  of  wording  in  2 
for  the  sake  of  sense.  In  p,  with  [di]  missing,  the  text  would  read  "diuer 
abunde"  against  the  existing  "diuersa  ut  abunde"  in  2. 

21.  This  sequence  is  impossible  for  both  reasons  given  below. 

22.  The  printer  of  1  was  aware  of  the  lacuna  in  2  and  rearranged  the  text  pages  to 
accommodate  the  omitted  matter  in  the  affected  quires  (all  of  [d]  and  [e]i-5). 
He  then  returned  to  page-for-page  agreement  to  the  end  of  the  book. 

23.  In  the  incunables,  there  is  a  passage  (in  p  [b7])  which  reads:  "eas  [litteras] 
igitur  leget  Caesar,  Bibaculus  uelut  tabellarius  quidam  refert.  Nam  qui  refert 
litteras  consueuit  tabellarius  appeUari."  Editions  3  and  4  also  have  "Bibaculus," 
while  1,  2,  5,  6,  7,  8  have  "Bibulus."  The  earlier  editions,  it  seems,  made 

[68] 


reference  to  Marcus  Furius  Bibaculus,  the  attacker  of  the  Caesars,  while  the 
later  editions  beheved  that  the  passage  referred  to  Marcus  Calpurnius  Bibulus, 
Caesar's  colleague  in  the  consulate  of  59.  This  again  shows  that  edition  p  could 
not  have  intervened  between  1  and  2,  and  it  also  suggests  that  1  and  2  may  be 
somewhat  later  in  date  than  the  GPF  supposes. 


[69] 


A  Greek  Evangeliary  Leaf 
with  Ecphonetic  Notation 


LLOYD  W.  DALY 


TO  my  good  friend  and  honored  colleague  I  offer  this  descrip- 
tion of  a  piece  which  he  brought  into  the  collection  of  the  Li- 
brary of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  and  catalogued,  as  he  has  so 
many  others. 

Greek  manuscript  number  5  is  listed  as  "LECTION ARY.  Frag- 
ment of  1  f.  containing  lessons  for  the  Easter  season  taken  from  the 
Gospel  ace.  to  John"  in  Supplement  A(i)  to  the  Catalogue  of  Manu- 
scripts in  the  Libraries  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  to  1800.^  This 
leaf  of  good  quality  vellum  (27.5x21.5  cm.)  shows  signs  of  long 
use  and  wear.  The  lower  corner  (right  on  the  recto)  is  bent  from 
thumbing  and  there  are  three  small  patches  of  parchment  glued 
onto  the  verso  to  repair  tears.  There  are  also  numerous  small  stains 
that  may  be  from  candle  wax.  The  text  is  in  double  columns  (about  6 
cm.  wide)  of  twenty-one  lines  to  the  column,  except  for  the  first 
column  of  the  verso  which,  for  no  apparent  reason,  has  only  twenty. 
The  writing  is  pendent  from  the  ruling  which  has  been  very  lightly 
done.  The  script  is  a  minuscule  of  a  practiced  hand,  neat  and  easily 
legible,  but  hardly  elegant,  showing  relatively  few  ligatures.  The 
capital  letter  and  heading  as  well  as  the  interlinear  notation  are  in 
red.  On  the  analogy,  e.g.,  of  the  similar  evangeliary,  No.  287  of  the 
Public  Library  of  Leningrad,^  which  is  dated  to  the  year  1019,  I 
should  place  this  leaf  also  in  the  eleventh  century,  but  taking  into 
consideration  the  well-known  conservatism  in  the  use  of  script  in 
such  liturgical  books  it  must  be  admitted  that  it  could  well  be  as- 
signed to  the  twelfth  century,  hi  view  of  the  use  of  ecphonetic  nota- 
tion, as  described  below,  a  later  date  is  less  likely. 

Such  an  evangeliary,  also  frequently  referred  to  by  the  more 
general  term  "lectionary,"  contained  the  lessons  for  specified  days  of 
the  year,  first  those  of  the  movable  festivals  (the  synaxarion)  followed 
in  many  instances  by  those  for  the  fixed  dates  (the  menologion).  Our 
leaf  contains  lessons  for  the  Resurrection  Matins  [eccdLva  avaaraaLfxa), 

[70] 


which  appear  either  at  the  end  of  the  synaxarion  or  of  the  menologion? 
It  begins  with  John  20:14-18.  This  section  is  followed  by  the  entry  in 
red  Eua77eXtoj' ^.  ^77(761)  Try(i)  Kv(^pLaKrji)  rod  dj'T(t)7raa-x(a)  Gospel  .9. 
See  the  Sunday  of  Antipascha'  (Sunday  following  Easter).  This  is 
followed  by  the  numeral  I  (10)  and  the  heading  'E/c  rod  Kara  Ico- 
[avvr}v)  'From  (the  Gospel)  according  to  John.'  This  lesson  then 
begins  with  John  21:1  and  ends  with  the  verso  of  our  leaf  at  verse  7. 

There  are  no  noteworthy  variants  in  the  text  of  the  Gospel  as  pre- 
sented here.  The  passage  from  chapter  21  begins  nit  Kaipwi  heivcjL 
'at  that  time'  instead  offjiera  ravra  'after  that'  but  these  slight  adapta- 
tions at  the  opening  of  such  pericopes  are  customary  in  evangeli- 
aries  and  are  obviously  intended  to  make  them  independently  intel- 
ligible when  they  are  divorced  from  their  context.'* 

It  can  be  seen  from  the  plate  that  the  text  is  accompanied  by  inter- 
linear notations  in  addition  to  the  normal  Greek  accents  and  breath- 
ings. Since  these  are  in  red  they  are  easily  distinguishable  from  the 
accents  on  the  original.  These  notations  are  added  both  above  and 
below  the  lines  of  text  and  it  is  noticeable  that  they  occur  in  pairs. 
They  are  known  as  ecphonetic  notations  and  were  intended  to  in- 
dicate the  correct  phrasing  and  intonation  for  the  ceremonial  reading 
or  chanting  of  the  text  as  part  of  the  service.  This  system  of  notation 
may  have  been  introduced  as  early  as  the  fourth  century  but  was  ap- 
parently fully  developed  by  the  eighth  century.  It  was  stabilized  in 
the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries,  flourished  in  use  during  the  eleventh 
and  twelfth,  declined  during  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth,  and  by 
the  end  of  the  fifteenth  knowledge  of  the  system  had  been  lost.^ 

In  the  lower  margin  of  the  verso  of  the  leaf  is  a  large,  clear  Arabic 
numeral  3,  written  upside  down  with  reference  to  the  text.  One 
would  normally  expect  such  a  notation  to  be  a  modern  folio  number, 
modern  because  at  the  time  the  text  was  written  it  would  almost 
certainly  not  have  had  its  folios  numbered  or,  if  they  were,  the  nota- 
tion would  have  been  in  Greek  alphabetic  numerals.  Why  the  number 
should  have  been  written  upside  down  at  the  foot  of  the  page  is  not 
clear.  One  might  suppose  that  the  numeration  was  done  by  someone 
ignorant  of  Greek,  to  whom  the  text  would  be  no  more  intelligible 
right  side  up  than  upside  down,  and  that  the  numeration  began  at  the 
back  of  the  book.  Bizarre  as  this  idea  may  seem,  it  is  a  fact  that  the 
last  lesson  on  the  leaf  (number  10)  would  be  the  penultimate  one  of 

[71] 


these  Matins  and  thus  would  stand  very  near  the  end  of  the  volume, 
whether  it  contained  a  menologion  or  not.  If,  however,  the  numeral 
was  written  after  the  leaf  became  detached  there  is  no  evident  reason 
for  its  being  there. 

The  catalogue  description  states  that  this  leaf  was  "acquired  as  part 
of  a  collection  of  French  Revolution  papers,  therefore  once  in  French 
possession."  This  context  suggests  that  our  leaf  may  have  been  in- 
volved in  the  great  and  somewhat  disorderly  movement  of  manu- 
scripts from  ecclesiastical  and  monastic  collections  into  public  and 
private  libraries  at  the  time  of  the  Revolution.  If  so,  it  does  not  seem 
probable  that  a  complete  codex  would  have  been  carelessly  dis- 
membered. It  would  be  more  likely  that  an  already  loose  leaf  slipped 
out  of  and  became  separated  from  a  decrepit  volume.  If  this  were  the 
case  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  parent  volume  still  survives  in  some 
library.  I  have  made  some  search  but  have  not  identified  any  evan- 
geliary  of  the  correct  dimensions  and  description  which  is  lacking 
this  leaf. 

NOTES 

1.  The  Library  Chromcle,  xxxv  (1969). 

2.  G.  Cereteli  and  S.  Sobolevski,  Exempla  codicum  graecorum,  vol.  11,  Codices  Petro- 
politani  (Moscow,  1913). 

3.  Cf.  C.  R.  Gregory,  Textkritik  des  Neuen  Testamentes  (Leipzig,  1909),  p.  364. 
Gregory  was  a  loyal  alumnus  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  graduated  at 
the  time  of  the  Civil  War. 

4.  Cf  Gregory,  op.  cit.,  p.  341. 

5.  What  is  known  of  the  system  has  had  to  be  recovered  in  modem  times,  which 
has  been  done  by  C.  Hoeg  and  clearly  set  forth  in  his  La  notation  ekphonetique 
(Monumenta  Musicae  Byzantinae.  Subsidia,  vol.  i,  fasc.  2.  Copenhagen,  1935) 
especially  p.  137. 


[72] 


r- 


K  o  I  cAol;  Txro  XJ  rr&i^  \<  cx^ 

X 

L. i»X  o u  !<  t^  •  <^ o  t/ lO- 

''^^  f-»yt  d,4  ou-rfM*  o  I  or — »• 

'^  /J  OLA '  Tl  t*,,^LoL*  ?J  cr  ■* 

•^i  /      '^  r    .       - 

I «  d"t>  K  o  c»  wot.'  o  »rt «  t<  »< 
x'nrni;porr  nbcl.  I^^t/'jcc*-' 

aero  u  orO  ^  K  «xt  o-Umij , 
.         t  . ^ 


/ 

csjJTo  I  rj>o_^  c«.«-«  OL*  ^  CIO 
■Txrp  o  cr  "TtJ  f/  "TXT  p  c« ,.  ^'jot/  • 

TO  I  (T  j-*.rt.5  Ia«tt«u  rr.  o*t  ! 

03  I  l<  f%A  p  OOI  ^<  <^p  OC!  I  •  O" 


Tc.oil< 


^-J^' 


n^J- 


Philadelphia.  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library.  Recto  of  MS.  Greek  5. 


A  Fifteenth-Century  Spanish  Book  List 

RUTH  J.  DEAN  and  SAMUEL  G.  ARMISTEAD 

THE  flyleaves  of  medieval  manuscripts  were  often  used  by  their 
owners  to  record  random  notes.  These  are  frequently  uncon- 
nected with  the  contents  of  the  volume,  a  situation  not  unknown  in 
the  way  we  use  our  own  books.  A  fifteenth-century  manuscript  in 
the  Library  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  has  a  number  of  such 
notations  which — as  is  often  the  case — reveal  some  information  about 
the  anonymous  owner. 

The  manuscript,  numbered  Latin  129,  was  bought  in  1959.^  Bound 
in  contemporary  red  vellum,  it  measures  290  X  215  mm.  Where  we 
would  use  cardboard,  the  fifteenth-century  binder  stiffened  the  cov- 
ers of  this  book  with  several  layers  of  vellum  leaves  from  discarded 
manuscripts:  inside  the  front  cover,  faded  Latin  texts  in  small  cursive 
can  be  made  out.  The  volume  itself  contains  the  Latin  text  of 
Boethius  on  the  Consolation  of  Philosophy.  This  is  written  on  paper 
that  bears  a  watermark  showing  a  small  crown  with  two  letters  on  a 
staff  descending  from  it.  The  letters  may  be  S  and  D,  though  the 
lower  one  might  be  b  or  O.  This  mark  is  illustrated  by  Briquet,  from 
a  document  dated  at  Genoa  in  146$.^ 

The  volume,  which  has  not  been  foliated,  contains  eighty-seven 
leaves.  The  quires  are  marked  with  letters  in  modern  pencil.  There 
are  seven  quires  of  which  a,  f,  g  are  fourteens,  b,  c,  d,  e  twelves. 
Quire  c  has  lost  its  second  leaf,  the  conjugate  of  the  eleventh  leaf, 
which  survives.  Quire  g  has  lost  both  its  second  leaf  and  the  con- 
jugate thirteenth,  making  it  appear  to  be  a  gathering  of  twelve.  The 
text  begins  on  folio  2  recto  and  ends  on  85  verso.  The  first  folio  and 
the  last  two  serve  as  flyleaves.  The  first,  much  damaged,  was  used  by 
a  scribe  to  make  pen-trials  in  several  scripts,  mainly  with  pious 
phrases — a  common  practice.  There  must  originally  have  been  three 
blank  flyleaves  at  the  back,  for  the  missing  thirteenth  leaf  of  quire  g, 
conjugate  to  the  missing  second  as  described  above,  would  have 
come  between  the  two  flyleaves  that  survive.  The  notes  on  the  back 
flyleaves  will  be  discussed  shortly.  Meanwhile  it  may  be  recorded 
that  the  leaf  lost  from  the  third  quire  (c)  contained  the  portion  of 
Book  n,  prose  7,  of  the  Consolation  represented  in  the  Loeb  edition 

[73] 


by  page  212,  line  9  -  page  216,  line  56;  and  that  the  one  lost  from  the 
seventh  quire  (g)  contained  the  end  of  Book  v,  prose  3,  and  the  first 
eleven  lines  of  metre  3  (Loeb  ed.,  p.  378,  1.  80  -  p.  380,  1.  12).^ 

The  text  is  written  in  a  clear  but  not  handsome  book  hand  of  the 
mid-fifteenth  century,  not  yet  humanistic,  but  in  that  form  of  rounded 
gothic  script  which  is  characteristic  of  the  more  southerly  areas  of 
Europe.  A  smaller  but  contemporary  hand  added  the  date  M°cccc°lxvj 
to  the  colophon.  Although  the  paper  may  be  from  Italy,  the  copy 
may  have  been  made  in  the  region  of  Avignon  or  even  in  northern 
Spain.  The  volume  was  designed  to  be  dignified,  though  not  de  luxe. 
The  margins  are  wide  and  the  opening  words  of  each  book  are  set 
out  in  bold  gothic  letters.  Space  was  reserved  for  large  decorated 
initials,  but  these  were  never  supplied,  nor  were  rubrics  put  in  to 
identify  the  several  books.  Yet  a  rubricator  made  plain  red  initials  to 
mark  some  sections  and  put  other  touches  of  red  here  and  there. 

The  book  was  used  not  only  for  reading  but  also  for  serious  study. 
Numerous  notes,  by  more  than  one  person,  are  written  in  small 
cursive  hands,  most  of  them  italianate  in  style,  in  the  margins  and  in 
the  wide  spaces  between  the  lines.  Some  of  these  notes  are  by  the 
same  hand  that  added  M°cccc°lxvj  to  the  colophon.  On  the  first 
two  pages  of  Book  i  are  several  sets  of  fairly  long  notes  which 
introduce  the  work  and  explain  certain  passages.  One  section  of  these 
notes,  as  well  as  some  of  the  marginal  notes  here  and  there,  comes 
from  the  widely  known  commentary  on  the  Consolation  written 
early  in  the  fourteenth  century  by  the  English  Dominican  friar, 
Nicholas  Trevet."*  The  annotators  evidently  had  at  hand  other  com- 
mentaries, as  well  as  Trevet's,  or  were  themselves  their  own  com- 
mentators. Annotated  copies  of  the  Consolation  abound  all  over 
Europe  and,  like  this  one,  frequently  contain  selections  from  a  vari- 
ety of  sources. 

Whether  this  volume  was  produced  in  Spain  or  France  or  Italy,  it 
had  a  Spanish  owner  before  1471  who  appears  to  have  been  Ara- 
gonese  and  to  have  been  a  university  student,  perhaps  a  recent  bach- 
elor in  arts,  who  went  to  Salamanca  for  further  study.  On  the  verso 
of  the  first  back  flyleaf  there  occurs  a  memorandum,  cursively  writ- 
ten in  Spanish,  of  a  collection  of  books;  the  two  succeeding  pages 
bear  random  notes  in  Latin  and  Spanish — with  Aragonese  dialect 
traits — written  by  the  same  hand.  Some  of  the  marginal  notes  to 

[74] 


Boethius  appear  to  be  by  the  same  hand  as  these  memoranda,  but 
they  are  more  carefully  written  where  space  is  limited  and  studious 
Latin  is  used.  It  is  the  Spanish  book  list  which  principally  concerns  us 
here  and  which  is  shown  in  the  accompanying  plate. 

The  opening  lines  record  that  the  writer  went  to  Salamanca  on  the 
Nones  of  September  (Sept.  5),  in  the  year  [14)71,  leaving  in  a  small 
chest  entrusted  to  his  brother  Martin  a  number  of  books,  of  which 
the  tides  follow.  The  collection  seems  appropriate  to  a  young  student, 
but  one  which  he  did  not  think  necessary  to  take  with  him  to 
Salamanca,  whether  he  was  going  there  for  more  advanced  univer- 
sity work  or  for  a  quite  different  career.  The  list  includes  a  dictionary, 
a  work  on  grammar,  and  ten  named  works  of  Aristotle,  besides  a 
volume  of  "old  translations"  of  which  the  texts  are  not  specified,  but 
were  probably  also  Aristotelian.  The  "old"  translators  are  not  named, 
but  were  presumably  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  since 
the  names  of  four  translators  or  commentators  of  the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries  are  attached  to  some  of  the  Aristotelian  tides. 
Several  tides  have  to  do  with  theology  or  preaching  and  three  may 
be  classified  as  contributing  to  the  student's  moral  instruction.  Two 
of  the  books  suggest  that  the  owner  had  been  studying  in  a  Fran- 
ciscan house.^ 

In  transcribing  the  text  shown  in  our  plate,  we  follow  as  closely  as 
possible  the  actual  spelling  of  the  scribe,  but  we  have  omitted  his 
pointing  which  appears  to  be  capricious.  A  discussion  of  the  language 
follows  the  transcription.  The  titles  are  then  individually  transcribed 
and  translated,  and  comments  on  the  several  titles  are  added.  The 
final  letters  oiquedam  in  line  1  of  our  list  are  not  altogether  clear.  Did 
the  scribe  first  attempt  to  write  quedarou  and  then  alter  the  text?  The 
form  which  we  read  as  chyco  (1.  1)  is  not  clearly  written  in  the  manu- 
script and  may  perhaps  admit  of  some  other  interpretation.  In  title  9, 
the  note  that  the  volume  had  been  turned  over  to  a  dealer  is  in  a  hand 
different  from  the  one  that  penned  the  list  itself  The  e  ofelos  in  title 
18  has  been  expunctuated  as  is  indicated  by  a  dot  just  below  it;  we 
have  placed  it  in  parentheses  in  our  transcription. 

estos  son  los  libros  que  quedam  en  el  mj  chyco  (?)  cofre  en- 

comendados 

a  martin  mj  ormano  quando  parti  pora  salamanca  annyo  Lxxj 

[75] 


[1 
[^ 

[3 
[4 
[5 
[6 
[7 
[8 
[9 

[10 

[" 

[12 

[»3 
[»4 
[15 
[l6 

[17 
[18 

[19 

[20 


a  nonfl5  de  setienbre 

primo  el  boecio  de  consollacion 

jtem  hun  libro  pora  sermonar  que  ba  por  abecedarjo 

jiem  el  johan  canonge  sobre  los  fisicos 

jte/H  la  lochica  e  fisica  de  paulo  de  venecis 

jtem  las  eticas  de  boecio 

jtem  los  prcdicametttes  de  paulo 

jtem  el  libro  de  a«ima 

jtem  Vila  rectorjca  de  romen  [or  romeu) 

jtem  Vila  lochica  de  a.nstote\is  de  monagudo  (fue  dado  por  vibes 

y  por  mj  a  hun  coredor) 

jtem  vn  sermonarjo 

jtem  el  de  cello  e  generacione  e  metauras  del  paulo 

jtem  el  echidio  de  regimjne  pnncipu/» 

jtem  el  conpendio  de  alexandre  dales 

jtem  las  pistolas  de  senequa 

jtem  los  testes  dt'  la  biexa  traslacion 

jtem  vn  flos  santorwm 

jtem  el  egucio 

jtem  (e)los  modos  signyficandj  e  su  lectura 

jtem  los  passos  de  fFrancisco 

jtem  la  ycononjca  de  leonardo 


On  both  paleographic  and  linguistic  grounds,  we  can  confidently 
attribute  our  scholar's  origin  to  the  eastern  third  of  the  Iberian 
peninsula — and  very  probably  to  Aragon,  rather  than  to  Catalonia  or 
Valencia.  His  hand  is  decidedly  eastern  in  character  and  agrees  closely 
with  contemporary  examples  from  Aragon  and  the  Spanish  Levant.^ 
His  orthography  too  is  characteristically  eastern  and,  in  several  cases, 
specifically  Aragonese.  Such  spellings  as  annyo  (1.  2)  and  hun  (title  2) 
could  conceivably  also  have  been  used  by  a  Catalan  writing  in  Cas- 
tilian,'^  but  sem'qua  (14)  is  specifically  Navarro-Aragonese^  and  lochica 
(4,  9),  echidio  (14),  and  perhaps,  indirectly,  biexa  (15)  may  possibly 
reflect  a  distinctively  Aragonese  phonological  feature:  the  devoicing 
of  the  voiced  prepalatal  affricate  [g].^  In  certain  cases,  our  scribe's 
vocabulary  can  also — for  the  fifteenth  century  at  least — hardly  be 
considered  normal  Castilian.  One  of  the  characteristics  of  the  Ara- 
gonese dialect  is  its  late  conservation  of  archaisms  which  may  once 

[76] 


also  have  been  known  to  Castilian,  but  which  subsequently  disap- 
peared from  that  more  innovative  dialect.  This  is  precisely  the  nature 
of  several  items  in  our  list's  very  limited  lexicon.  Thus,  pora  'for'  (1. 
2;  title  2),  which  was  current  in  thirteenth-century  Castile  but  later 
declined  in  favor  of  para,  continued  to  be  used  in  Aragonese  at  least 
into  the  fifteenth  century.^°  Canonge  'canon,  clergyman'  (tide  3), 
used  in  medieval  Castilian  [Riojano  dialect,  to  be  exact),  with  at  least 
one  thirteenth-century  example,  subsequently  died  out,  but  persists 
down  to  the  present  in  Aragon.^^  Prcdicamcntes  (6)  'categories'  and 
testes  (15)  'texts,'  which  imply  the  singular  forms  predicament  and 
test  (rather  than  predicamento  and  testo),  are,  of  course,  not  Castilian 
forms.  Medieval  Aragonese  texts  sporadically  document  the  disap- 
pearance of  word-fmal  -0,  as  in  Catalan  and  also  in  Mozarabic.^^ 
Compare  such  Old  Aragonese  forms  as  element, '^■^  sagrament,^"^  testa- 
ment;^^ predicament  itself  is  documented  in  the  thirteenth-century 
Aragonese  version  of  the  Vidal  Mayor }^ 

As  a  possible  index  of  the  relative  popularity  of  the  works  in  our 
list,  we  have  collated  it  with  the  manuscript  holdings  of  various  im- 
portant Spanish  libraries,  as  well  as  with  the  essential  sources  pertain- 
ing to  early  Spanish  printing,  but,  needless  to  say,  our  annotations 
make  no  pretense  of  being  an  exhaustive  survey  of  contemporary 
manuscripts,  printed  editions,  and  citations.  For  their  assistance  with 
a  variety  of  problems  pertaining  to  the  identification  of  some  of  our 
titles  we  are  indebted  to  Ludwig  Bieler,  Charles  Faulhaber,  Rudolf 
Hirsch,  Paul  O.  Kristeller,  Richard  W.  Hunt,  Edward  M.  Peters, 
Richard  H.  Rouse,  and  Charles  H.  Talbot. 

1  el  boecio  de  consollacion:  Boethius  on  [the]  Consolation  [of  Phi- 
losophy] 

This  probably  refers  to  the  volume  in  which  our  book  list  was  in- 
scribed. Manuscripts  in  Latin  and  vernacular  languages  of  Boethius' 
famous  work  De  consolatione  philosophiae  abounded  in  the  Middle 
Ages  and  there  have  been  many  editions  since  the  invention  of  print- 
ing, the  earliest  recorded  in  the  Gesamtkatalog  der  Wiegendruche  (Leip- 
zig, 1925-),  no.  4513,  being  attributed  to  Savigliano,  ca.  1471.  The 
latest  critical  edition  is  by  Ludwig  Bieler,  Philosophiae  consolatio 
(Turnhout:  Brcpols,  1957:  Corpus  Christianorum,  series  latina 
xciv).  Fifteenth-century  Spanish  manuscripts  are  very  abundant.  ^^ 

[77] 


2  hun  libro  pora  sermonar  que  ba  por  abecedarjo:  a  book  for  com- 
posing sermons,  arranged  alphabetically 

Since  there  were  many  books  on  preaching,  with  sermon-topics 
and  cxempla,  in  Latin  and  vernacular  languages,  some  of  them  orga- 
nized in  alphabetical  order,  it  is  not  possible  to  identify  this  book 
specifically.^^  It  may  have  been  the  Libro  de  los  exenplos  por  A.B.C. 
which  is  the  only  collection  of  cxempla  in  alphabetical  order  known 
to  us  in  Spanish.  The  Libro  was  composed  by  Clemente  Sanchez  de 
Vercial,  archdeacon  of  Valderas  (Leon),  between  1400  and  1421.  It 
has  been  most  recently  edited  by  John  Esten  Keller:  Libro  de  los 
exenplos  por  A.B.C.  (Madrid,  1961:  Clasicos  Hispanicos). 

Inasmuch  as  our  book  list  does  include  the  work  of  an  English- 
man, Alexander  of  Hales  (no.  13),  it  is  tempting  to  suggest  that  the 
work  here  listed  may  have  been  the  Summa  praedicantium  of  John 
Bromyard,  O.P.,  chancellor  of  Cambridge  in  1383  and  opponent  of 
Wyclyf.  Among  surviving  Bromyard  manuscripts  there  is  one  in 
the  British  Museum,  Royal  7  e.iv,  of  the  second  half  of  the  fourteenth 
century.  The  work  was  first  printed  in  Nuremberg  in  1485  and 
several  times  in  the  following  century. 

3  el  johan  canonge  sobre  los  fisicos:  the  [book  of]  John  the  Canon  on 

the  Physics 

Trithemius  and  Bale  identified  John  the  Canon  as  an  English 
Franciscan  active  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth  century,  who  may 
have  studied  under  John  the  Scot  at  Paris.  Bale  credited  him  with  sev- 
eral works,  including  a  commentary  on  Aristotle's  Physica  in  eight 
books  of  which  there  was  in  his  time  a  copy  in  Queens'  College, 
Cambridge;  it  is  no  longer  there. 

Recently  John  the  Canon  has  been  equated  with  John  Marbres, 
who  was  probably  from  Catalonia  and  who  became  a  Master  of  Arts 
at  Toulouse  and  canon  of  Tortosa.  A  fourteenth-century  manuscript 
survives  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional,  Madrid,  containing  questions  on 
the  eight  books  of  the  Physica  attributed  to  Johannes  Marbres  (sive 
Canonicus).^^ 

4  la  lochica  e  fisica  de  paulo  de  venecis:  The  Logic  and  Physics  of 
Paul  of  Venice 

Paolo  Veneto,  known  also  as  Paolo  Nicoletti  da  Udine,  was  a 

[78] 


Hermit  of  St.  Augustine  (d.  1429).  Trithemius  knew  him  as  second 
to  none  in  Italy  in  Aristotelian  philosophy  and  included  among  his 
works  the  following  titles  which  we  fmd  in  this  Spanish  hst,  though 
not  all  are  here  attributed  to  Paolo:  Summa  de  naturalibus;  Super 
physicorum;  Super  de  auima;  Logica  duplex;  Super  de  generatione  et  cor- 
ruptione;  Super  prnedicnnientorum.  His  commentary  on  the  Physica  was 
printed  at  both  Venice  and  Milan  in  1476  as  part  of  the  Summa 
naturalium.  A  copy  of  the  Venice  edition  is  preserved  in  the  Biblioteca 
Nacional,  Madrid.  The  commentary  on  the  Logica  is  known  in  half 
a  dozen  incunabula.  There  is  a  copy  of  the  Venice  1493  edition  at  the 
Real  Academia  de  la  Historia,  Madrid.^^ 

5  las  eticas  de  boecio:  the  Ethics  of  Boethius 

No  such  work  by  Boethius,  either  authentic  or  spurious,  is  known. 
Since  Boethius  translated  a  number  of  works  by  Aristotle,  including 
the  next  two  in  this  list  (but  not  the  Ethica),  and  since  it  was  in  a  vol- 
ume of  Boethius  that  this  list  was  being  written  down,  it  would  seem 
that  our  owner  made  an  absent-minded  misattribution  here. 

6  los  predicamentes  de  paulo:  the  Categories  of  Paul 

Probably  the  commentary  by  Paul  of  Venice  on  the  Ten  Cate- 
gories of  Aristotle.  See  title  4. 

7  el  libro  de  anima:  the  book  on  the  Soul 

Probably  Aristotle's  De  anima  or  a  commentary  on  it.^^  In  the 
present  context  this  may  be  the  commentary  by  Paul  of  Venice.  His 
work  was  printed  under  the  title  In  lihros  de  anima  explanatio  at  Venice 
in  1504.  See  title  4. 

8  Vila  rectorjca  de  romen  (romeu?):  a  [copy  of  the]  Rhetoric  of 
Romanus  (?) 

Probably  the  commentary  on  Aristotle's  Rhetorica  by  Aegidius 
Romanus,  Giles  of  Rome  (ca.  1243-1316).  Possibly  romen  refers  to 
Pseudo-Cicero's  De  Rhetorica  ad  Herenniunr,  Harry  Caplan  mentions 
a  translation  of  this  work  into  Castilian  in  1427  in  his  edition:  [C/c^ro] 
ad  C.  Herennium  (Cambridge,  Mass.,  and  London,  1964:  Loeb  Clas- 
sical Library),  p.  xxxv.  Another  possibility  would  be  Ramon  Llull's 
Rhetorica  nova?^ 

[79] 


9  viia  lochica  de  aristotelis  de  inonagudo:  a  [copy  of]  Aristotle's 
Logic  by  Monagudo 

This  would  appear  to  be  a  copy  of,  or  a  commentary  on,  Aris- 
totle's Logica.  Monagudo  may  be  a  Spanish  form  of  Montacute  or 
Montagu  (e),  but  whether  owner,  copyist,  or  commentator,  we  do 
not  know.  The  individual  may  have  come  from  Montagut  in  the 
province  of  Gerona,  or  from  a  Monteagudo  in  any  one  of  several 
provinces  (Navarra,  Soria,  etc.).  A  Guillermus  de  Montagoto  ap- 
pears in  the  1455  inventory  of  the  chapter  library  of  Toledo,  as  author 
of  a  work  "super  ti[tulum]  de  elect [ionib us]"  [Revista  de  Archivos, 
Bihliotccas  y  Museos,  7  [1877],  339;  the  date  of  the  inventory  is  on 
p.  369). 

No  Aristotelian  commentary  is  attributed  to  William  of  Monta- 
cute, ninth  abbot  of  Clairvaux  (d.  1246).  William  de  Monte  or  de 
Montibus,  an  Oxford  and  Paris  theologian  (d.  1213),  who  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  Aristotelian  corpus,  is  not  credited  with  a  work 
on  the  Logica.  The  survey  by  Charles  H.  Lohr  of  medieval  Latin 
commentaries  on  Aristotle  does  not  throw  any  light  on  this  title: 
Traditio,  xxiii-xxix  (1967-73),  passim. 

The  added  note,  probably  by  our  scholar's  brother,  Martin,  says: 
"It  was  given  by  Vives  and  by  me  to  a  dealer." 

10  vfi  sermonarjo:  a  book  of  sermons,  or  on  preaching 
Cf  tide  2.23 

11  el  de  cello  e  generacione  e  metauras  del  paulo:  the  [book]  on  the 
Sky,  and  on  Generation,  and  on  Meteors,  by  Paul 

This  title  represents  commentaries  on  Aristotle's  De  coelo,  De 
generatione  et  cormptione,  and  Meteor  a,  by  Paul,  probably  Paul  of  Ven- 
ice. See  title  4.  An  Expositio  in  Aristotelem  de  generatione  et  cormptione 
et  de  niundi  compositione  by  Paulus  Venetus  was  printed  at  Venice  in 
1498.  The  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library  owns  a  seventeenth- 
century  Spanish  paraphrase  of  the  Meteora:  Conipendio  de  los  Metheoros 
del  principe  de  los  jilosofos  .  .  .  Aristoteles  .  .  .  sacadas  a  luz  por  .  .  . 
Murcia  de  la  Liana  .  .  .  (Madrid:  Juan  de  la  Cucsta,  161$)?'^ 

12  el  echidio  de  regimjne  principum:  the  [book  of]  Aegidius  on  the 
Government  of  Princes 

[80] 


lip-  /<*  trrf^*^   H  l    t  i 


f- 


N 


Philadelphia.  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library-.  MS.  Lat.129,  f.86^. 


De  regimine  principum  by  Aegidius,  Giles  of  Rome.  See  title  8.  A 
Spanish  translation  and  gloss,  Regimiento  de  los  principcs,  by  Juan 
Garcia  de  Castrojeriz,  was  printed  at  Seville  in  1494.^^ 

13  el  conpendio  de  alexandre  dales:  the  Compendium  of  Alexander 
of  Hales 

This  title  has,  to  our  knowledge,  not  been  recorded  since  Bale  (d. 
1536)  who  described  it  in  his  two  catalogues  as  having  six  books;  but 
he  gave  no  incipit,  nor  did  he  list  it  in  his  alphabetical  index.^^  This 
may  be  a  lost  work,  or  it  may  simply  have  been  an  alternate  title  for 
the  Summa  theologica  which  survives  in  many  manuscripts,  was 
printed  several  times  from  1475  to  1611,^^  and  has  been  most  recently 
edited  by  the  Collegium  S.  Bonaventurae,  4  vols,  in  5  (Quaracchi, 
1924-49).  Alexander,  born  in  Shropshire,  became  the  first  Franciscan 
Master  at  Paris  (ca.  1236),  where  he  was  known  as  Doctor  Irrefraga- 
bilis.  He  died  in  1245.^8 

14  las  pistolas  de  senequa:  the  Letters  of  Seneca 

These  are  the  Epistolae  morales  ad  Luciliuin  of  Seneca  the  Younger. 
There  are  numerous  fifteenth-century  Spanish  manuscripts  and  cita- 
tions, both  of  the  Latin  text  and  of  Spanish,  Catalan,  and  Italian 
translations.^^  A  Catalan  version  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque  Na- 
tionale,  Paris  (MS.  esp.  82,  of  the  fifteenth  century)  appears  to  have 
been  translated  from  an  anonymous  French  version  of  ca.  1310.-^° 

15  los  testes  de  la  biexa  traslacion:  the  texts  of  the  old  translation 

A  number  of  Aristotelian  texts  existed  in  two  or  more  translations, 
known  severally  as  vetustissima,  vetustius,  media,  vetus,  or  nova.  Some 
are  attributed  to  known  authors,  others  are  anonymous.  The  texts 
here  noted  may  have  included  the  vetus  translatio  of  Aristotle's  Rhetorica 
(cf  title  8  above)  of  which  a  thirteenth-century  copy,  now  in  Toledo 
(Bibl.  Capitolar  47-15),  was  already  in  Spain  by  the  fourteenth 
century.^  ^ 

16  vfi  flos  santorum:  a  Flower  of  Saints 

This  is  probably  Jacobus  de  Voragine's  famous  Legenda  aurea, 
which  in  Castilian  was  sometimes  known  as  Flor  de  los  santos.  In  a 
manuscript  belonging  to  the  Cathedral  at  Vich,  Voragine's  collection 
bears  the  Latin  title  Flos  sanctorum?'^  Or  it  might  be  some  other 

[81  ] 


collection  of  edifying  material  for  use  in  sermons  or  for  reading 
aloud  at  meals. 

17  el  egucio:  the  Hugutius 

Hugutius,  or  Uguccione  of  Pisa  (bishop  of  Ferrara,  d.  1210),  wrote 
widely  used  works  on  Gratian's  Decretals  and  on  lexicography.  In 
view  of  the  other  works  in  this  list,  it  seems  likely  that  this  entry 
refers  to  the  dictionary:  Magnae  Derivationes?^  Our  owner  would 
probably  not  have  taken  up  the  study  of  canon  law  before  he  went  to 
Salamanca  or,  if  he  had,  he  would  not  have  left  behind  a  copy  of  so 
vital  a  book  as  the  Summa  super  Decretum?'^ 

18  los  modos  signyficandj  e  su  lectura:  the  modes  of  meaning  and 
their  interpretation 

There  were  a  number  of  medieval  grammatical  works  entitled 
De  modo  signijicandi,  of  which  a  repertory  was  printed  by  Jan  Pin- 
borg.-^^  One  such  work  which  may  be  of  Spanish  origin  is  extant  in 
two  manuscripts  in  Spain:  Pinborg,  p.  322,  no.  A77.  Since  our  owner 
had  at  least  one  book  by  an  Englishman  (see  title  13),  it  is  tempting  to 
identify  this  volume  with  the  De  modo  signijicaiidi  of  Thomas  of  Er- 
furt (Pinborg,  pp.  131-135,  318),  which  circulated  in  England  under 
the  name  of  Albertus  (sometimes,  but  not  always,  given  as  Albertus 
Magnus).  This  work  was  widely  used  in  Europe,  but  no  manuscript 
of  Spanish  provenance  or  language  is  known,  unless  our  list's  be  one, 
now  lost. 

19  los  passos  de  ffrancisco:  the  steps  of  Francis  or  passages  from 
Francis 

We  have  not  found  a  work  to  link  with  this  title,  which  may  refer 
to  St.  Francis;  if  it  does,  it  strengthens  the  hypothesis  that  the  owner 
of  these  books  was  a  Franciscan,  as  is  suggested  by  title  13.  An  alter- 
nate possibility  to  'steps'  is  that  here  passo  may  mean  'a  brief  section 
of  a  text,'-^^  in  which  case  we  would  have  a  selection  of  passages  con- 
cerning St.  Francis,  perhaps  not  unlike  the  Little  Flowers. 

20  la  ycononjca  de  leonardo:  the  Economics  of  Leonardo 

A  translation  of  and/or  commentary  on  the  Oeconomica  of  Aris- 
totle by  Leonardo  Bruni  Aretino  (1370-1444).  Fifteenth-century 

[82] 


manuscripts  of  Leonardo  Bruni's  translation  are  found  in  the  Es- 
corial  (fii.2  and  £111.25),  Florence  (Bibl.  Laur.,  Plut.LXXix.i8,  in- 
cluding commentary  on  Book  11),  and  Madrid  (Bibl,  Nac,  7321). 
A  manuscript  in  Cordova  was  recorded  by  G.  Heine  in  Serapeum, 
vn  (Leipzig,  1846),  203.^"^  The  translation,  with  those  of  the  Ethica 
and  Politica  also  by  Bruni,  formed  one  of  the  first  books  printed  in 
Spain,  at  Valencia,  ca.  1475;-^^  there  are  copies  of  this  edition  in 
Madrid  (Bibl.  Nac.  and  Bibl.  Provincial)  and  in  the  library  of  the 
Cathedral  of  Zaragoza.  Another  edition  of  Bruni's  translation  of  the 
Oeconomica  and  Politica  was  printed  at  Zaragoza,  ca.  1478;  there  are 
copies  in  Cambridge  (Univ.  Libr.)  and  Paris  (Bibl.  Nat.).  The  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania  Library  owns  three  early  editions:  Venice, 
ca.  1470  (GPF2435);  Siena,  1508;  Oxford,  1597  (STC  476$).^'^ 

NOTES 

1.  The  manuscript  is  briefly  described  by  Norman  P.  Zacour  and  Rudolf  Hirsch, 
Catalogue  of  Manuscripts  in  the  Libraries  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  to  1800 
(Philadelphia,  1965),  pp.  29-30. 

2.  C.  M.  Briquet,  Les  Filigranes  (Amsterdam,  1968),  i,  293,  s.v.  Couronne,  no. 
4846;  III,  illustration  4846. 

3.  Boethius,  The  Consolation  of  Philosophy,  ed.  H.  F.  Stewart  and  E.  K.  Rand 
(London  and  New  York,  1918 :  Loeb  Classical  Library).  The  several  books  are 
found  in  the  manuscript  as  follows:  i,  fF.2r-i5r;  n,  fF.i5v-3or;  iii,  fF.3or-54r; 
IV,  fF.54v-73v;  v,  fF.73v-85v. 

4.  An  edition  of  Trevet's  commentary  by  E.  T.  SiUc  awaits  publication.  Manu- 
scripts of  Trevet's  commentary  at  present  in  Spain  are  found  in:  Escorial  f.1.3 ; 
Madrid,  Palacio  Nacional  248;  Pamplona,  Catedral  24;  Seville,  Bibl.  Colom- 
bina  7-3-5,  7-7-26;  Toledo,  Cabildo  fol.  13.11.  Three  are  known  in  Spanish: 
Escorial h.ra.i6;  Madrid,  Bibl.  Nac.  9160  (Bb.6i);  Santander,  Bibl.  Menendez 
y  Pelayo  40. 

5.  For  the  classification  of  these  works,  see  the  comments  below:  dictionary  (17) ; 
grammar  (18);  Physica  (3,  4);  Logica  (4,  9);  Ethica  (5);  Praedicamenta  (6);  De 
anima  (7);  Rhetorica  (7);  De  coelo,  De  generatione,  Meteora  (li);  Oeconomica 
(20);  Veteres  translationes  (15);  theology  and  sermonizing  (2,  10,  13,  16,  19); 
morals  (1,  12,  14);  Franciscan  (13,  19). 

6.  Compare  A.  Millares  Carlo,  Tratado  de  paleografia  espanola,  2  vols.  (Madrid, 
1932),!,  368-373,11,  nos.  ex,  CXI  (Aragonese  documents  dated  1413  and  1438); 
idem,  Paleografia  espanola,  2  vols.  (Barcelona  and  Buenos  Aires,  1929),  11,  no. 
Lxxv  and  pp.  115-116  (Valencian  document,  1403);  F.  Arribas  Arranz,  Paleo- 
grafia documental  hispanica,  2  vols.  (Valladohd,  1965),  i,  139-140,  151-152,  n, 
nos.  82,  90  (Aragonese  and  Catalan  documents  of  1427  and  1464). 

[83] 


7.  As,  for  example,  in  the  Triste  deleytagiSn  of  anonymous  Catalan  authorship 
(see  M.  de  Riquer,  "  Triste  deJeytagion,  novela  castellana  del  siglo  xv,"  Revista  de 
Filologta  Espanola,  xl  [1956],  33-65).  For  thirteenth-  and  fifteenth-century 
Catalan  examples  of  htm,  huna,  see  P.  Russell-Gebbett,  Mediaeval  Catalan 
Linguistic  Texts  (Oxford,  1965),  nos.  37.13,  67.21.  The  spelling  hu  is  used  in  the 
early  fifteenth-century  Aragonese  adaptation  of  the  Cronica  de  los  Reyes  de 
Castilla  (Paris,  Bibl.  Nat.,  MS.  esp.  139);  other  fifteenth-century  Aragonese  and 
Navarrese  examples:  D.  J.  Gilford  and  F.  W.  Hodcroft,  Textos  lingiiisticos  del 
mediocvo  cspailol  (Oxford,  1966),  nos.  81.29,  ii9-5-  On  the  graphy  -nny-,  see 
M.  Alvar,  El  dialecto  aragonis  (Madrid,  1953),  pp.  30,  34. 

8.  See  C.  Carroll  Marden,  Lihro  de  Apolonio,  2  vols.  (Baltimore  and  Paris,  1917),  n, 
5;  M.  Alvar,  "Estudios  sobre  el  dialecto  aragones  en  la  Edad  Media:  Grafias 
navarro-aragonesas,"  Pirineos,  ix  (1953 ),  55-88 :  p.  61 ;  idem,  El  dialecto  aragonis, 
p.  24;  idem,  Documentos  de  Jaca  (Zaragoza,  i960),  pp.  11-12;  idem,  Vida  de 
Santa  Maria  Egipciaca,  i  (Madrid,  1970),  141;  Juan  Fernandez  de  Heredia,  La 
Grant  Coronica  de  Espanya,  Lihros  I-II,  ed.  R.  af  Geijerstam  (Uppsala,  1964), 
p.  84. 

9.  See  Alvar,  El  dialecto  aragones,  pp.  36,  165-168. 

10.  See  J.  Corominas,  Diccionario  critico  etimologico  de  la  lengua  castellana,  4  vols. 
(Madrid,  1954),  iii,  s.v.  para.  Pora  occurs  in  the  early  fifteenth-century  Ara- 
gonese version  of  the  Cronica  de  Castilla  (Paris,  Bibl.  Nat.  MS.  esp.  139),  dated 
1429,  where  the  Castihan  MSS.,  many  of  which  are  earher,  read  para.  Pora  al- 
ternates with  para  in  the  Ordenacion  de  la  confradria  de  S ant  Julian  de  Teruel 
(MS.,  UCLA  Library),  dated  1440  of  the  Spanish  era  (  =  A.D.  1402). 

11.  Corominas,  DCELC,  1,  s.v.  canon;  Gonzalo  de  Berceo,  Los  milagros  de  Nuestra 
Senora,  ed.  B.  Button  (London,  1971),  v.  330c  {yar.).  Another  possible 
archaism  in  our  list  is  the  putative  form  mjo  in  mj  ormano  (line  2). 

12.  See  W.  D.  Elcock,  "Problems  of  Chronology  in  the  Aragonese  Dialect," 
Milanges  Mario  Roques,  iv  (Paris,  1952),  103-111:  pp.  106-108;  Alvar,  El 
dialecto  aragones,  pp.  57-59. 

13.  Fernandez  de  Heredia,  Grant  Coronica,  p.  151.8  {elementes). 

14.  Fernandez  de  Heredia,  p.  183.16;  G.  Tilander,  Vidal  Mayor:  Traduccion  ara- 
gonesa  de  la  ohra  "In  Excelsis  Dei  Thesaurus"  de  Vidal  de  Canellas,  3  vols.  (Lund, 
1956),  III,  277;  M.  Gorosch,  El  Fuero  de  Teruel  (Stockholm,  1950),  pp.  38,  622; 
F.  Indurain,  Contribiicion  al  estudio  del  dialecto  navarro-aragonis  antiguo  (Zara- 
goza, 1945),  p.  111. 

15.  Tilander,  Vidal,  m,  305;  Gorosch,  Teruel,  p.  636;  Alvar,  Documentos  de  Jaca, 
p.  24. 

16.  Tilander,  Vidal,  iii,  247. 

17.  See,  for  example,  M.  Artigas,  Catdlogo  de  los  manuscritos  de  laBiblioteca  Menindez 
y  Pelayo  (Santander  [1930]),  p.  72  (no.  40);  J.  Lopez  de  Toro  and  R.  Paz 
Remolar,  Exposicion  de  la  Biblioteca  de  los  Mendoza  del  Infantado  en  el  siglo  XV 
(Madrid,  1958),  nos.  34-35;  idem,  Inventario general  de  manuscritos  de  laBiblio- 
teca Nacional,  9  vols.  (Madrid,  1953-70),  i,  nos.  174,  438,  iv,  no.  1577;  A. 
Morel-Fatio,  Catalogue  des  manusaits  espagnols  et  .  .  .  portugais  [Bibhoth^que 

[84] 


Nationale]  (Paris,  1892), pp.  3  53-3 54  (no.  638);J.M.Rocamora,C<J^i/ci^o  ahrevi- 
ado  de  los  manuscritos de  laBihliotcca  delExcmo.  Scfior  Duque  de  Ostma  e  Infantado 
(Madrid,  1882),  nos.  36-38;  M.  SchifF,  La  Bibliotheqtie  du  Marquis  de  Santillane 
(Paris,  1905),  pp.  174-186;  and  the  many  references  in  R.  Beer,  Handschriften- 
schdtze  Spanicns  (Vienna,  1894),  p.  6ioh.  For  citations  contemporary  with  our 
list,  see  J.  M.  Madurell  Marimon  and  J.  Rubio  y  Balaguer,  Documentos  para  la 
historia  de  la  imprenta  y  lihrcria  en  Barcelona  {1474-1533)  (Barcelona,  1955),  p. 
939.  For  early  printed  editions:  C.  Haebler,  Bibliografta  iberica  del  siglo  XV,  2 
vols.  (Leipzig  and  The  Hague,  1903-17),  I,  26-28,  ii,  20;  F.  J.  Norton,  Printing 
in  Spain  1501-1520  (Cambridge,  1966),  p.  168;  D.  Garcia  Rojo  and  G.  Ortiz  de 
Montalvan,  Catdlogo  de  incunables  de  laBiblioteca  Nacional  (Madrid,  1945),  nos. 
379-391 ;  C.  L.  Penney,  Printed  Books  1468-1700  in  the  Hispanic  Society  of  America 
(New  York,  1965),  pp.  68-69. 

18.  See,  for  example,  T.  F.  Crane,  The  Exempla  .  .  .  of  Jacques  de  Vitry  (London, 
1890),  pp.  Ixx-lxxx;  A.  Morel-Fatio,  "El  libro  de  exenplos  por  A.B.C.  .  .  .  ," 
Romania,  vn  (1878),  481-526:  pp.  482-483. 

19.  See  [Johannes  Trithemius],  Liber  de  scriptoribus  ecclesiasticis  (Basel,  1494),  f.83; 
[John  Bale],  Scriptorum  illustrium  .  .  .  catalogus,  2  parts  (Basel,  1557,  1559),  p. 
387;  idem.  Index  Britanniae  scriptorum,  ed.  R.  L.  Poole  and  Mary  Bateson  (Ox- 
ford, 1902;  rpt.  1962),  p.  187;  M.  R.James,  A  Descriptive  Catalogue  of  the 
Western  Manuscripts  in  the  Library  of  Queens  College,  Cambridge  (Cambridge, 
1905).  On  the  identification  with  John  Marbres  of  Catalonia,  see  L.  Baudry  in 
Archives  d' Hi stoire  Doctrinale  et  Litteraire  du  Moyen  Age,  9  (1934),  187-188.  See 
Inventario,  v,  no.  2014  for  the  Madrid  manuscript.  A  "lohanes  Canonicus" 
figures  in  a  Barcelona  bookseller's  catalogue  dated  March  2,  1506:  Madurell 
Marimon,  Documentos,  p.  406,  no.  105. 

20.  See  Trithemius,  Liber  de  scriptoribus,  f.99r-v;  Garcia  Rojo  and  Ortiz  de  Montal- 
van, Catdlogo  de  incunables  de  la  Biblioteca  Nacional,  p.  363;  F.  Garcia  Romero, 
Catdlogo  de  los  incunables  existentes  en  la  Biblioteca  de  la  Real  Academia  de  la 
Historia  (Madrid,  1921),  p.  101.  There  is  a  manuscript  of  the  first  part  of  the 
Sumtna  naturalium  at  Assisi,  Bibl.  Comunale  287  [Aristoteles  latinus:  codices,  pars 
prior,  ed.  Georges  Lacombe  [Rome,  1939],  pars  posterior,  ed.  Lorenzo  Minio- 
Paluello  [Cambridge,  1955],  11,  874-875).  A  "Logica  Pauh"  appears  in  the 
bookseller's  catalogue  mentioned  in  n.  19  (Madurell  Marimon,  p.  406,  no. 

132)- 

21.  Note  the  MS.  at  the  BibHoteca  Nacional  (Madrid)  {Inventario,  iv,  no.  1428). 
For  early  printings:  Garcia  Rojo,  Incunables,  nos.  178-179. 

22.  See  J.  Rubio,  "La  Rhetorica  nova  de  Ramon  LluU,"  Estudios  Lulianos,  in  (1959), 
5-20,  263-274. 

23.  For  sermon  books  in  Spanish  hbraries,  see  Harry  Caplan,  Mediaeval  Artes 
Praedicandi;  A  Handlist  (Ithaca,  New  York,  1934),  pp.  4iff.,  and  other  funda- 
mental references  in  J.  F.  Burke,  "The  Libro  del  Cavallero  Zifar  and  the  Medieval 
Sermon,"  Viator,  i  (1970),  207-221. 

24.  For  the  Venice  imprint,  see  Garcia  Rojo,  Incunables,  no.  1409;  for  the  Madrid 
one,  Palau  185996.  See  also  Lyman  Riley,  Aristotle  Texts  and  Commentaries  to 

[85] 


ijoo  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library  (Philadelphia,  1961),  p.  95.  rio- 

i33f- 

25.  See  Garcia  Rojo,  Incimabks,  no.  592;  Penney,  Printed  Books,  p.  140;  also  A. 
Rey,  Castigos  e  documentos  para  bien  vivir  ordenados  por  el  rey  don  Sancho  IV 
(Bloomington,  Indiana,  1952),  pp.  9,  n.  6, 11, 18-19;  H.  L.  Sears,  "The  Riniado 
de  Palagio  and  the  'De  Regimine  Principum'  Tradition  of  the  Middle  Ages," 
Hispanic  Review,  xx  (1952),  1-27,  especially  p.  4,  n.  12;  A.  D.  Deyerinond, 
Historia  de  la  literatura  espatlola:  La  Edad  Media  (Barcelona,  1973).  P-  217,  n.  30; 
and  C.  Faulhaber's  excellent  monograph,  Latin  Rhetorical  Theory  in  Thirteenth 
and  Fourteenth  Century  Castile  (Berkeley  and  Los  Angeles,  1972),  pp.  93-95- 
For  other  early  editions:  Garcia  Rojo,  Incunables,  nos.  588-591. 

For  Spanish  MSS  and  various  late  fifteenth-  and  early  sixteenth-century  cita- 
tions of  Aegidius'  De  regimine  principum,  see  Beer,  pp.  86  (no.  76),  202(MS. 
R.I. 8),  355  (no.  4);  Lopez  de  Toro  and  Paz  Remolar,  Exposicion,  p.  42  (nos. 
73-75),  and  Inventario,  iv,  1208;  Madurell  Marimon,  Documentos,  pp.  149 
(no.  3),  164  (no.  24),  167  (no.  64),  404  (no.  10),  496  (no.  10);  SchifF,  Biblio- 
theque,  pp.  201-204,  209-211. 

26.  [John  Bale],  Illustrium  maioris  Britanniae  scriptorum  .  .  .  summarium  (Ipswich, 
1548),  f  103;  idem,  Scriptorum  .  .  .  catalogus,  pp.  277-278  (for  Bale's  Index,  see 
note  19).  There  are  two  references  to  this  title,  dating  from  1506,  in  Madurell 
Marimon,  Documentos:  "Alexander  de  Aliis  compendium  Theologie"  (p.  416, 
no.  5)  and  "Compendium  Theologie"  (p.  442,  no.  89). 

27.  Cf.  Lopez  de  Toro  and  Paz  Remolar,  Inventario,  11,  525;  for  early  printings: 
Garcia  Rojo,  Incunables,  nos.  78-79. 

28.  Etienne  Gilson,  History  of  Christian  Philosophy  in  the  Middle  Ages  (New  York, 
c.  1955),  pp.  327-339,  with  bibliography  on  pp.  682-683;  John  Moorman,  A 
History  of  the  Franciscan  Order  from  its  Origins  to  the  Year  1317  (Oxford,  1968), 
pp.  131-132,  240-241. 

29.  Artigas,  Catdlogo,  no.  38(f.62'");  Beer,  p.  678!);  Lopez  de  Toro  and  Paz 
Remolar,  Exposicion,  p.  57;  Madurell  Marimon,  Documentos,  pp.  26*,  106  (no. 
27),  126  (no.  1),  127,  272  (no.  31);  Rocamora,  Catdlogo,  pp.  4^-49;  Schiff, 
Bibliotheque,  pp.  102, 104-111, 118-120.  For  early  printings,  see  Haebler,  i,  298, 
n,  171;  Norton,  p.  203;  Garcia  Rojo,  Incunables,  nos.  1697, 1698;  Penney,  p. 
512;  also  T.  S.  Beardsley,  Hispano-Classical  Translations  Printed  between  1482  and 
i69g  (Pittsburgh,  1970),  pp.  3,  26-27  (no.  13). 

30.  Morel-Fatio,  Catalogue,  p.  300;  A[ntoine]  T[homas]  in  Histoire  Littiraire  de  la 
France,  xxxv  (1921),  633-635. 

31.  Arist.  lat.,  i,  39,  43-85, 11,  783-789,  853-855;  C.  Faulhaber,  "Retoricas  clasicas  y 
medievales  en  bibliotecas  castellanas,"  Abaco,  4  (i973).  151-300:  pp.  166-167 
(no.  14).  See  also  his  Latin  Rhetorical  Theory,  pp.  48-49,  95,  124. 

32.  See  Beer,  p.  205  (Escorial  MS.  h.n.i8:  Castihan);  theVich  MS.  is  referred  to  on 
p.  550  (no.  69). 

33.  The  Magnae  Dcrivationes  has  not  been  published.  On  its  manuscripts  and  im- 
portance, see  Aristide  Marigo,  /  codici  manoscritti  dellc  "Dcrivationes"  di  Uguc- 
cione  Pisano,  etc.  (Rome,  1936),  and  Glaus  Riessner,  Die  "Magnae  Derivationes" 

[86] 


des  Uguccione  da  Pisa  und  ihre  Bedeutung  fur  die  romanische  Phihlogie  (Rome, 
1965:  Temi  e  Testi,  11).  Marigo  had  found  the  following  manuscripts  of  the 
Derivationes  in  Spain:  Madrid,  Archive  de  Historia  Natural  LVi  (s.  xni),  Bibl. 
Nac.  V.214  (s.  xiii),  Aa.36  (s.  xiv);  Valencia,  Catedral  233  (s.  xiv);  Tarragona, 
Catedral,  s.n.  (a.d.  1432-33):  Marigo,  I codici,  pp.  3,  15,  21,  29.  C£  Madurell 
Marimon,  Documcntos,  pp.  26*,  19,  105  (no.  22),  108. 

34.  The  legal  commentary  was  pubHshed  in  Paris  in  1550:  Decrettim  Gratiani  seu 
verius  Decretorum  Canonicorum  Collectanea  .  .  .  commentariis  Hugonis  [i.e., 
Huguccionis]  ac  Joaniiis  Teuthotiici  .  .  .  illustrata,  etc.;  there  is  a  copy  in  the 
British  Museum.  There  were  many  medieval  manuscripts.  The  surviving  ones 
listed  in  print  include  none  now  in  Spain:  Johan  Fr.  von  Schulte,  Geschichte  der 
Quellen  und  Literatur  des  canon.  Rechts,  i  (Stuttgart,  1875;  rpt.  Graz,  1965),  157, 
n.  6;  Stephan  Kuttner,  Repertorium  der  Kanonistik  {1140-1234),  i  (Vatican  City, 
1937:  Studi  e  Testi,  71),  155-160. 

35.  Die  Entwicklung  der  Sprachtheorie  im  Mittelalter  (Miinster  i.W.  and  Copenhagen 
[1967]),  pp.  309-337  (Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  Philosophic  und  Theologie 
des  Mittelalters.  Texte  und  Untersuchungen.  Band  xlii.  Heft  2).  See  also  James 
J.  Murphy,  Medieval  Rhetoric:  A  Select  Bibliography  (Toronto,  1971),  pp.  45-4^ 

(g  15,  G  18-G20). 

36.  For  sixteenth-  and  seventeenth-century  examples  of  this  meaning,  see  Dic- 
cionario  de  autoridades,  3  vols.  (Madrid,  1726-37;  facs.  ed.  1964),  iii,  155^-^. 

37.  See  also  Beer,  p.  140  (no.  59).  There  is  an  eighteenth-century  manuscript  at  the 
Bibl.  Nac,  Madrid  {Inventario,  iv,  no.  1204). 

38.  Palau,  I,  480.  See  also  Haebler,  i,  15,  n,  10;  Garcia  Rojo,  Incunables,  nos.  186- 
187;  Penney,  Printed  Books,  p.  40. 

39.  Arist.  lat.,  n,  838,  912;  Riley,  nos.  135-137- 


[87] 


Italian  Collections  of  Letters  in  the 
Second  Part  of  the  Sixteenth  Century 

FELIX  GILBERT 

HISTORIANS  have  learnt  to  find  in  every  remnant  of  former 
centuries  sources  for  reconstruction  of  the  image  of  the  past. 
The  extension  of  historical  interest  to  every  aspect  and  to  every 
remnant  of  life  developed  in  a  gradual  process  through  the  applica- 
tion of  new  criteria  and  methods.  Before  the  emergence  of  this  "sci- 
entific" approach  to  historical  work  the  materials  on  which  the  his- 
torian relied  were  primarily  the  narratives  of  earlier  historical  writers 
and,  wherever  possible,  political  documents.  It  is  a  question  of  some 
significance  for  the  study  of  the  development  of  historiography  to 
ask  when  and  why  historical  interest  began  to  transcend  these  bound- 
aries and  to  widen  its  search  for  sources. 

In  this  context  a  collection  of  letters  which  appeared  in  1562 — the 
Lettere  di  Principi — is  important  and  puzzling.  Even  today  historians 
find  these  volumes  a  valuable  source;  for  instance,  the  letters  of 
Girolamo  Negro  to  Marc  Antonio  Michiel,  which  can  be  found  in 
these  volumes,  give  a  fascinating  picture  of  life  in  Rome  in  the  fifteen 
twenties.  But  how  did  publisher  and  editor  become  aware  of  the 
value  of  a  collection  of  letters  as  a  historical  source?  The  following 
essay  will  try  to  suggest  answers  to  this  question,  although  we  shall 
have  to  take  what  might  seem  a  rather  circuitous  road  to  reach  our 
goal.^ 

When  the  first  edition  of  the  Lettere  di  Principi  appeared  in  1562,^ 
the  publication  of  letters  written  by  a  number  of  different  authors  in 
one  and  the  same  volume  was  a  rather  novel  undertaking.  The  first 
book  of  such  a  literary  genre  had  appeared  only  twenty  years  before; 
that  was  a  volume  entitled  Lettere  volgari  di  diversi  nohilissimi  huomini 
et  eccelentissimi  ingegni  scritte  in  diverse  materie?  In  the  dedication  of 
this  volume  to  Federico  Badoer,  the  editor  and  publisher,  Paolo 
Manuzio,  asserted  that,  with  this  volume,  he  was  embarking  on  "una 
nuova  impresa."  What  led  him  to  make  this  statement?  What  was 
new  about  this  enterprise? 

Books  containing  letters  had  been  published  before.  The  Epistolae 

[88] 


obscurorum  virorum  had  successfully  served  satirical  purposes;  human- 
ists had  published  their  correspondence,  usually  dealing  with  details 
of  philological  problems  or  literary  studies.  Two  things,  however, 
were  new  about  Manuzio's  volume.  One  was  the  fact  that  the  letters 
were  written  in  the  volgare.  The  use  of  volgare  for  literary  purposes 
was  then  a  much  disputed  issue,  and  the  letters  of  this  volume  are 
proof  of  this.  Speroni  Sperone,  in  a  letter  to  Ramberti,  Manuzio's 
collaborator  in  this  publishing  venture,  expressed  his  opposition  to 
the  idea  that  letters  in  "stile  basso"  should  be  published;  they  might 
serve  practical  purposes  but  they  could  never  reach  the  beauty  of  a 
letter  written  in  Latin.'^  In  another  of  these  letters  the  opposite  opin- 
ion was  expressed.  The  writer  congratulated  Manuzio  upon  this 
enterprise  which  under  no  circumstances  he  should  abandon.^  These 
divergent  views  justify  Manuzio's  statement  about  the  novelty  of  a 
book  of  this  kind.  But  the  novelty  was  not  only  constituted  by  the 
use  of  the  volgare.  The  letters  of  this  volume  were  written  not  by  one 
but  by  a  great  number  of  different  persons,  most  of  them  men  of  the 
sixteenth  century  and  some  of  them  still  alive  when  the  volume  ap- 
peared. These  two  factors — the  use  of  the  Italian  language  and  the 
plurality  of  contemporary  authors — made  the  book  a  new,  daring 
enterprise;  they  also  reveal  the  intention  which  Manuzio  pursued  in 
bringing  out  this  book.  It  was  not  intended  to  throw  light  on  a  par- 
ticular problem  or  direct  attention  to  a  particular  person;  it  owed  its 
origin  to  the  realization  that  writing  in  the  volgare  was  becoming 
more  fashionable  from  day  to  day  and  that  it  would  be  useful,  there- 
fore, to  exhibit  examples  of  good  Italian  writing.  Although  most  of 
the  people  whose  letters  appear  in  this  volume  were  well  known  in 
the  literary  world,  their  letters  were  not  selected  because  of  interest 
in  the  personality  of  the  writer  but  because  the  letters  they  had 
written  could  serve  as  models  for  others.  The  principle  of  selection 
was  to  have  specimens  of  letters  for  those  occasions  that  most  fre- 
quently occur  in  life.  They  were  letters  of  congratulation  and  of 
condolence,  letters  of  recommendation  and  expressions  of  gratitude, 
as  well  as  refusals,  complaints,  and  obituaries.  There  are  also  a  few 
letters  of  a  more  singular  character  as,  for  instance,  a  report  of 
Vincenzo  Quirino  about  his  life  as  an  eremite.^  But  the  main  purpose 
of  this  volume  is  to  instruct  the  reader  about  the  appropriate  way  to 
respond  in  writing  to  the  customary  events  of  life. 

[89] 


This  interpretation  of  Manuzio's  aim  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that 
some  time  later,  in  1556,  the  Aldus  press  published  another  volume 
of  letters,  this  time  written  in  Latin,  Epistolae  darorum  virorum  sekctae 
de  quampluriniis  optimae.  Like  the  volume  of  the  Lettere  volgari,  this 
book  too  contains  letters  of  congratulation  and  of  condolence,  rec- 
ommendations and  apologies;^  this  volume  too  was  meant  to  provide 
models  of  letter-writing.  Perhaps  it  is  characteristic  that  the  letters  of 
this  volume,  although  dealing  with  the  same  topics  as  the  Lettere 
volgari,  were  longer  and  more  versatile.  For  instance  a  letter  to  Pietro 
Bembo,  in  which  the  writer  apologizes  for  critical  remarks  about 
Bembo's  precious  vocabulary,  became  an  exquisite  picture  of  discus- 
sions among  literary  men  in  the  taverns  of  Rome.^  The  difference 
between  the  two  volumes  reveals  that  literary  men  still  considered 
writing  in  Latin  to  be  an  intriguing  and  worthwhile  task  requiring 
high  art  and  close  attention. 

Nevertheless,  Manuzio  was  correct  in  asserting  in  the  preface  of 
the  Lettere  volgari  that  writing  in  Italian  was  becoming  fashionable,^ 
for  his  Lettere  volgari  enjoyed  immense  popularity.  A  reprint  of  the 
volume  was  immediately  required.  A  second  volume  was  added  in 
1545  and,  until  1556,  a  new  edition  appeared  almost  every  year.^*^ 
The  publishers  tried  to  stimulate  interest  in  these  new  editions  by 
inserting  new  material,  and  their  zeal  for  soliciting  or  even  "pirat- 
ing" letters  to  be  published  seems  to  have  aroused  some  anxiety 
among  literary  men.  Tolomei  wrote  to  Manuzio  in  February  1545 
that  a  friend  of  his  had  gotten  hold  of  some  of  his  letters  and  then  had 
disappeared.  Tolomei  suspected  these  letters  might  have  been  given 
to  Manuzio  and  he  implored  Manuzio  not  to  publish  them,  or  at 
least  not  to  do  so  before  Tolomei  could  take  another  look  at  them 
and  correct  them.i^  Evidently  the  publishers  were  hard-pressed  for 
new  material.  One  of  his  assistants  wrote  to  Manuzio  that  they  were 
now  collecting  letters  like  flowers  in  autumn;  rarity  brings  it  about 
that  all  of  them  appear  to  be  beautiful. ^^ 

The  popularity  of  Manuzio's  enterprise  is  also  attested  by  the  fact 
that  other  publishers  began  to  issue  similar  collections  of  letters.  ^-^  An 
important  early  volume  of  this  kind  was  the  Delle  lettere  di  tredici 
huomini  illustri  lihri  tredici}'^  In  some  respects  this  volume  appears  to 
be  a  return  to  the  older  tradition  of  limiting  such  collections  to  the 
letters  of  a  single  individual;  although  the  volume  is  concerned  with 

[90] 


thirteen  famous  men  it  is  divided  into  thirteen  books  so  that  each  of 
these  thirteen  famous  men  has  for  his  letters  a  book  of  his  own.^^  But 
in  other  respects  the  volume  deviates  from  the  earlier  pattern.  The 
editors  placed  great  emphasis  on  the  fact  that  these  letters  were  writ- 
ten in  Italian  "la  nostra  bella  e  gentile,  e  non  mai  abastanza  lodata 
lingua  volgare."^^  The  Lettere  di  tredici  huomini  illustri  libri  tredici,  in 
contrast  to  Manuzio's  Lettere  volgari,  were  to  show  the  richness  and 
flexibility  of  the  Italian  language  in  contrast  to  Latin.  The  volume 
was  intended  as  a  weapon  in  the  struggle  between  the  champions  of 
the  volgare  and  the  adherents  of  Latin.  The  editor  of  this  volume, 
Atanagi,  was  a  protagonist  of  Italian  in  the  fight  between  Latin  and 
volgare.  But  this  emphasis  on  the  versatility  and  beauty  of  the  Italian 
language  inevitably  shifted  the  weight  away  from  letters  that  could 
serve  as  models  of  style  in  letter-writing  to  letters  that  were  interest- 
ing because  of  what  they  contained;  letters  were  chosen  to  demon- 
strate the  fitness  of  the  Italian  language  to  describe  interesting  and 
complicated  events.  For  instance  some  of  the  letters  in  the  section 
devoted  to  Giovio  are  reports  about  political  and  military  events ;^'^ 
they  are  characteristic  examples  of  Giovio's  historical  style  and  meth- 
od, but  under  no  circumstances  can  they  be  considered  as  models  for 
letter-writing.  Later  editions  were  brought  out  by  other  editors  and 
some  of  them  still  prefaced  their  volumes  with  the  insistence  that  the 
book  ought  to  exemplify  the  application  of  the  rules  of  good  letter- 
writing  and  practice.  Nevertheless,  even  these  editors  assert  that  the 
letters  which  they  present  deal  with  "soggetti  cosi  degni  e  cosi 
importanti,"^^  and  thereby  imply  that  a  shift  from  interest  in  style  to 
an  interest  in  topics  has  taken  place.  Later  editions  add  new  books 
which  assemble  letters  from  a  variety  of  authors,  some  of  which  are 
taken  from  previously  published  collections  like  the  Lettere  volgari; 
they  were  believed  to  deserve  republication  because  of  their  interest- 
ing contents.  The  prevalence  of  an  interest  in  contents  over  an  interest 
in  style  is  also  reflected  in  the  mode  of  presentation:  in  contrast  to  the 
procedure  which  Manuzio  had  followed,  letters  in  later  collections 
were  dated  and  presented  in  strictly  chronological  order. 

The  book  which  shows  most  clearly  the  shift  of  interest  from 
form  to  substance  is  also  the  most  famous  of  all  these  sixteenth- 
century  collections,  the  one  which  formed  the  point  of  departure  for 
our  survey,  the  Lettere  di  Principi.  In  these  volumes  subject  matter  is 

[91  ] 


the  criterion  that  determines  selection.  The  letters  are  chosen  be- 
cause they  make  a  contribution  to  the  understanding  of  past  events, 
to  history.  In  the  preface  the  editor,  Ruscelli,  stated  that  in  order  to 
write  history  one  needs  information,  and  written  testimonies  are  bet- 
ter than  oral  ones  for  they  are  more  seriously  pondered.  And  the 
historian  needs  information  not  only  from  one  but  from  different 
persons;  and  letters  are  particularly  valuable  to  the  historian  because, 
by  comparing  them,  he  might  be  able  to  distinguish  those  which 
show  "dihgenza,  sincerita  e  giudicio"  and  he  might  arrive  "alle  cose 
piu  verisimili."  The  Lettere  di  Principi  were  consciously  conceived  as  a 
source  book  for  contemporary  history;  the  value  of  private  letters  as 
a  significant  historical  source  is  fully  recognized. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  attitude  implies  a  strong,  almost 
passionate,  interest  in  contemporary  history.  By  this  time  the  his- 
tories of  Giovio  and  Guicciardini  had  demonstrated  that  the  present 
deserves  man's  attention,  not  only  the  classical  past;  recent  history 
has  an  intrinsic  value.  But  this  attitude  might  have  been  stimulated  by 
a  more  direct,  more  immediate  concern:  the  various  collections 
which  we  have  discussed  came  from  circles  in  northern  Italy,  par- 
ticularly Padua,  Ferrara,  and  Venice,  where  the  issue  of  church  re- 
form had  stimulated  great  controversy,  especially  among  the  literati. 
This  would  suggest  that  the  religious  conflicts  had  focused  attention 
on  the  struggles  of  the  present,  that  it  was  the  intellectual  climate  of 
the  Counter  Reformation  which  was  a  contributory  influence  in 
arousing  interest  in  contemporary  history.  This  suggestion  is  rein- 
forced by  the  words  which  Ruscelli  wrote  in  his  dedication  of  the 
Lettere  di  Principi  to  Carlo  Borromeo.  History,  he  wrote,  has  gained 
crucial  importance  because  a  new  era  is  born.  From  an  intricate  com- 
bination and  interaction  of  various  factors — the  struggle  between 
volgare  and  Latin,  the  need  for  models  in  letter-writing,  the  con- 
sciousness of  living  in  a  historically  critical  moment — arose  the  publi- 
cation of  a  new  kind  of  historical  source  book,  the  Lettere  di  Principi. 

The  outline  of  this  development  has  been  sketchy,  limited  to  a 
few  important  collections  of  letters  which  appeared  in  the  second 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Only  one  or  two  editions  of  these 
volumes  have  been  examined  and,  as  we  mentioned,  they  had  nu- 
merous editions  which  were  frequently  brought  out  by  different 
editors  who  wrote  new  prefaces  and  inserted  new  material.  A  more 

[9M 


detailed  study  would  seem  to  be  desirable  because  it  might  show 
more  clearly  what  weight  has  to  be  attributed  to  the  various  factors 
which  influenced  the  development  of  published  collections  of  letters; 
an  extensive  study  might  also  indicate  that  such  collections  could 
serve  not  only  the  historian's  interest,  but  could  also  be  used  in  other 
fields  of  knowledge.  ^^  For  the  Lettere  di  Principi  were  only  a  particular 
case  of  what  became  a  new  and  special  literary  genre:  collections  of 
letters  on  a  single  theme  written  by  different  authors. 


NOTES 

1 .  I  would  like  to  express  my  gratitude  to  Dr.  Laura  White  for  her  assistance  in 
the  research,  on  which  the  following  remarks  are  based. 

2.  The  pubHsher  of  the  Lettere  di  Principi  was  G.  Ziletti  in  Venice,  the  editor  of  the 
first  edition  Ruscelli. 

3.  It  was  printed  in  Venice  "in  casa  de'  fighuoli  di  Aldo." 

4.  Manuzio,  pp.  150-153;  this  is  the  main  subject  of  this  very  amusing  letter, 

5.  "Havendo  inteso  .  .  .  v'e  caduto  nell'animo  di  far  istampare  a  vostra  scelta 
alcuni  libri  d'Epistole  volgari,  non  ho  potuto  far  ch'io  non  mi  allegri  con  voi  di 
cosi  nobile  fatico "  The  writer  of  this  letter  is  Molza,  and  it  is  printed  im- 
mediately after  Sperone's  letter. 

6.  Manuzio,  pp.  51-54.  Letters  which  do  not  fall  under  the  categories  of  con- 
gratulations, condolences,  recommendations,  etc.,  however,  are  extremely  rare 
in  this  volume. 

7.  See  letters  of  congratulations  on  pp.  13,  50,  66, 106,  etc.;  condolences  on  pp.  6, 
58,  80;  recommendations  on  pp.  15,  96,  etc.;  apologies  on  pp.  4,  62,  109,  etc. 

8.  On  pp.  61-64,  written  by  Ubaldinus  BandineUi  from  Rome,  1537. 

9.  "Questa  hngua  e  bella  e  nobile  e  nostra  e  questa  parte  di  scrivere  cade  ogni  di 
in  uso." 

10.  Except  for  the  years  1547, 1552,  and  1555.  A  third  volume  was  added  in  1564. 
Aldo  Giovane  brought  out  another  edition  of  the  three  volumes  in  1567. 

11.  Lettere  volgari,  2nd  ed.  (1545),  p.  14. 

12.  "Noi  qui,  per  empiere  il  hbro,  raccoghamo  le  lettere  in  quel  modo,  che  si  fanno 
fiori  I'autunno,  che  le  penurie  fa,  che  ciascuno  par  beUo,"  Benedetto  Ramberti 
to  Paolo  Manuzio,  from  Venice,  December  14,  1542,  in  Manuzio,  edition  of 
1545,  vol.  II,  p.  53. 

13.  For  instance,  the  Delle  lettere  facete  et  piacevoli  di  diversi  grandi  huomini  et  cliiari 
ingegni,  edited  by  Atanagi  in  Venice,  1561  (pubHsher  Zaltieri),  which  had 
further  editions  in  1565, 1582, 1601.  Or  the  Lettere  di  diversi  autori  eccellenti,  ed. 
by  Ruscelli,  Venice,  1556  (pubHsher  Ziletti). 

14.  First  edition,  Rome,  1554,  pubHsher  Valerio  Dorico. 


[93  ] 


15.  The  thirteen  famous  men,  in  order  of  the  appearance  of  their  letters  in  this 
volume,  are:  Lodovico  di  Canossa,  Giovan  Batista  Senga,  Giovanni  Guidic- 
cione,  Giovan  Matteo  Giberti,  Francesco  dclla  Torre,  Jacopo  Sadoleto,  Nicolo 
Ardinghcllo,  Marc'Antonio  Flaminio,  Paolo  Giovio,  Bernardo  Tasso,  Annibal 
Caro,  Claudio  Tolomei,  Paolo  Sadoleto. 

16.  From  the  introduction  by  the  editor,  Dionigi  Atanagi.  On  his  interests  and  his 
role  in  the  fight  between  Latin  and  volgare,  see  the  fairly  detailed  biography  in 
the  Dizionario  biograjico  degli  Italiani. 

17.  Giovio's  letters  on  pp.  148,  153,  156. 

18.  From  the  introduction  to  the  1561  edition. 

19.  It  is  strange,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  almost  entirely  overlooked  that  the  col- 
lections of  letters,  published  in  Italy  in  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
signify  the  genesis  of  a  new  hterary  genre.  Some  suggestive  remarks  can  be 
found  in  Giuseppe  Guido  Ferrero's  introduction  to  the  Lettere  del  Cinqiiccento, 
which  forms  vol.  36  of  the  Collezione  classici  itaUani  U.T.E.T. 


[  94 


Editing  Inquisitors'  Manuals  in  the  Sixteenth 

Century:  Francisco  Peiia  and  the 
Directorium  inquisitorum  of  Nicholas  Eymeric 


EDWARD  M.  PETERS 


C.  S.  LEWIS,  who  could  generalize  about  medieval  people  more 
accurately  than  most,  once  observed  that, 

At  his  most  characteristic,  medieval  man  was  not  a  dreamer  nor  a  wan- 
derer. He  was  an  organiser,  a  codifier,  a  builder  of  systems. . . .  Distinction, 
defmition,  tabulation  were  his  delight.  Though  full  of  turbulent  activities, 
he  was  equally  full  of  the  impulse  to  formalise  them.  .  .  .  There  was  noth- 
ing which  medieval  people  liked  better,  or  did  better,  than  sorting  out  and 
tidying  up.  Of  all  our  modern  inventions,  I  suspect  that  they  would  most 
have  admired  the  card  index.  ^ 

In  the  course  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  this  passion  for 
systematizing  found  its  ideal  form  of  expression  in  the  vast  summae  of 
theology,  history,  law,  and  cosmology  whose  description  usually 
constitutes  the  core  of  modern  histories  of  medieval  thought.  Be- 
sides the  great  and  various  summae,  however,  there  appeared  in  this 
period  another  genre  that  also  reflects  the  truth  of  Lewis'  observa- 
tion, that  of  the  more  humble  practica,  the  handbook  for  daily  use 
that  appeared  in  many  fields  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  cen- 
turies. Manuals  for  confessors  and  parish  priests,  handbooks  for  mer- 
chants and  travellers,  guides  to  social  conduct,  poetic  composition, 
preaching,  and  dying,  summulae  on  almost  every  conceivable  sub- 
ject, these  short,  comprehensive,  direct  manuals  reached  an  even 
wider  public  than  the  larger  and  more  formidable  works  of  the 
encyclopedists. 

During  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  institutions,  too, 
became  the  objects  of  systematic  study  and  description,  from  Par- 
liament to  the  Inquisition.  After  nearly  a  century  of  development  in 
the  genre,  Bernard  Gui  produced  the  Practica  officii  inquisitoris  heretice 
pravitatis  in  1323  or  1324,  a  major  step  in  the  process  of  homogeniz- 
ing and  systematizing  the  theory  and  practice  of  inquisitorial  pro- 

[95] 


cedure.2  In  1376  Nicholas  Eymeric,  O.P.,  papal  chaplain,  theologian, 
Inquisitor  General  of  Aragon,  and  temporary  resident  at  the  papal 
court  in  Avignon,  wrote  the  most  influential  example  in  the  history 
of  the  genre,  the  Directorium  inquisitorum.  By  Eymeric's  day,  as 
Dondaine  points  out,  the  practica  had  begun  to  expand  once  more 
toward  the  swniim-vsingc,  yet  the  Directorium  reflects  better  than  Gui's 
work  the  accommodation  of  juridical  theology  to  the  operation  of 
the  Inquisition  that  had  been  reached  by  the  fourteenth  century.  The 
Practica  of  Bernard  Gui,  although  widely  circulated  in  manuscript, 
was  not  printed  until  the  edition  of  Celestin  Douais  in  1886.  Ey- 
meric's Directorium,  after  an  equally  influential  manuscript  circula- 
tion, was  printed  at  Barcelona  in  1503  and  1536  and,  more  impor- 
tant, was  completely  re-edited  and  expanded  by  Francisco  Peiia  and 
pubhshed  in  Rome  in  1578.  Subsequent  Roman  editions  of  1585, 
1587,  and  1597  and  Venetian  editions  of  1591  and  1607  followed.^ 
The  power  of  Pena's  papal  and  inquisitorial  sponsors,  the  number  of 
editions,  and  the  later  wide  reputation  of  Peiia  himself  made  Peila's 
edition  of  Eymeric's  Directorium  the  standard  handbook  for  papal 
inquisitors  throughout  the  late  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 
It  may  also  be  considered,  as  I  will  suggest  below,  part  of  that  vast 
papal  undertaking  to  establish  accurate,  consistent  editions  of  many 
works  of  ecclesiastical  literature  that  so  marks  the  last  quarter  of  the 
sixteenth  century  and  plays  an  important  role  in  the  history  of  the 
Counter-Reformation. 

Nicholas  Eymeric  (ca.  1320-1399)  led  a  long,  stormy,  and  active 
life,  in  and  out  of  Aragon,  Avignon,  and  Rome,  participated  in 
many  theological  controversies,  and  was  twice  expelled  from  Ara- 
gon itself.  He  travelled  to  Rome  with  Gregory  XI  and  witnessed  the 
double  papal  election  of  1378,  following  in  the  train  of  Pedro  de 
Luna  into  the  Avignon  camp  of  Clement  VII  before  returning  to 
Gerona  and  pursuing  his  attacks  on  those  whom  he  considered  theo- 
logical deviants,  including  Raymond  Lull  and  St.  Vincent  Ferrer, 
until  his  death  in  1399."^  An  enormously  prohfic  writer,  Eymeric 
wrote  on  many  topics,  but  upon  none  so  effectively  as  the  Holy 
Office.  Far  more  than  the  work  of  Gui,  Eymeric's  Directorium  summed 
up  the  theological,  juridical,  and  institutional  history  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion. And  Eymeric  was  read  long  after  his  own  age.  Peiia  found  his 
best  manuscripts  of  the  Directorium  in  the  hbraries  of  the  pope,  two 

[96] 


Cardinal  Inquisitors,  and  the  Holy  Office  of  Bologna.  Although  Gui's 
manual,  chiefly  through  the  partial  French  translation  of  G.  Mollat,  is 
better  known  to  modern  historians  and  general  readers,  Eymeric's 
was  more  thorough,  more  widely  circulated,  and  more  influential. 
Francisco  Peila  was  born  around  1540  at  Villaroya  de  los  Pinares, 
near  Saragossa,  studied  law  and  theology  at  Valencia,  and  was  pre- 
sented to  the  papal  court  by  Philip  II,  probably  during  the  pontificate 
of  Pius  V  (1566-1572).^  Peiia  appears  to  have  rejected  a  number  of 
ecclesiastical  preferments  from  Philip,  including  a  canonry  and  a 
bishopric,  but  he  accepted  a  pension  from  the  king  and  continued  to 
reside  in  Rome  until  his  death  in  1612.'^  He  enjoyed,  in  the  words  of 
his  most  recent  commentator,  "a  reputation  of  great  integrity,  solid 
doctrine,  and  vast  erudition."^  Although  his  official  career  is  not 
clear  before  1588,  the  following  hypothesis  has  some  support  in  his 
own  works  and  in  the  comments  of  later  scholars.  It  seems  unlikely 
that  Peiia  could  have  come  to  Rome  as  utriusque  iuris  et  sacrae  theo- 
logiae  doctor  much  before  the  late  1560's,  Rapid  advancement  for 
young  men  was  certainly  not  unheard  of  during  this  period,  and 
Peiia's  older  contemporary  Antonio  Agustin  (1517-1586)  achieved 
his  doctorate  of  civil  law  at  the  age  of  seventeen  from  Salamanca  and 
the  doctorate  utriusque  iuris  at  the  age  of  twenty-four  in  1541  from 
Bologna.  In  1544,  at  age  twenty-seven,  Agustin  was  appointed  Audi- 
tor of  the  Rota.^  Agustin,  however,  was  something  of  a  prodigy,  and 
it  is  unlikely  that  Pefia  could  have  progressed  that  quickly.  Peiia's 
first  work  in  Rome  was  probably  as  a  minor  juridical  official  at  the 
papal  court,  and  he  may  have  become  associated  with  the  Roman 
Inquisition  during  Pius  V's  pontificate.  ^°  By  the  1570's  he  was  cer- 
tainly familiar  with  the  archives  of  the  papacy  and  the  Inquisition,  to 
which  he  frequently  refers  in  later  works.  He  was  appointed,  either 
by  Pius  V  or  Gregory  XIII  (1572-1585)  to  the  committee  charged 
with  correcting  canon  law,  and  his  subsequent  reputation  as  one  of 
the  editores,  or  Correctores  Romani,  was  considerable,  drawing  some 
waspish  criticism  from  Agustin,  but  praise  from  many  others,  in- 
cluding Etienne  Baluze  a  century  later. ^^  At  some  point,  possibly 
around  the  late  1570's,  Pefia  became  an  advisor  to  the  Spanish  em- 
bassy at  Rome,  and  he  seems  to  have  been  one  of  Philip  II's  most 
articulate  supporters  in  papal  counsels.  Many  years  later,  he  argued 
forcefully  for  pro-Spanish  positions  in  papal  policy  decisions,  and  as 

[97] 


late  as  1609  his  name  headed  the  Hst  prepared  for  Francisco  de  Castro, 
the  new  ambassador,  of  the  most  rehable  informants  on  "las  cosas  de 
Ronia."^^  He  was  certainly  not  highly  regarded  by  later  French  his- 
torians of  papal  policy  in  this  period. ^-^ 

In  1578,  Pefia  published  his  new  edition  and  expansion  of  Ey- 
meric's  Diredorium  inquisitorum,  evidently  at  the  behest  of  the  In- 
quisition and  the  pope.^'^  In  1581  he  published  editions  and  commen- 
taries upon  the  treatises  on  heresy  by  Ambrosius  Vignate  and  Paulus 
Grillandi.^^  During  this  period  he  transcribed  other  works  on  in- 
quisitorial procedure,  some  of  which  appeared,  along  with  notes  and 
additiones  to  still  others,  in  the  Tractatus  universi  iuris,  published  at 
Venice  in  1584.^^  In  1584  Pefia  also  published  his  edition  and  com- 
mentary upon  the  Lucerna  inquisitorum  haereticae  pravitatis  of  the 
fifteenth-century  inquisitor  Bernard  of  Como,  and  by  this  time  he 
had  probably  written  his  own  short  treatise  on  the  Praxis  inquisi- 
torum.^'^ 

In  1588  Sixtus  V  appointed  Peiia  Auditor  of  the  Rota,  filling  the 
seat  of  the  recently  deceased  Christopher  Robusterius,  who  him- 
self had  been  appointed  to  succeed  Antonio  Agustin.^^  From  1588 
until  1604,  Peiia  was  intensely  involved  in  his  activities  as  judge  on 
the  Rota,  counsellor  to  the  Spanish  embassy,  confidant  of  the  popes, 
supporter  of  Spanish  and  papal  policy  decisions,  and,  evidently,  the 
patron  of  a  number  of  young  men  beginning  their  legal  careers.^^  In 
his  will,  Peiia  left  a  legacy  that  was  to  endow  the  studies  of  poor 
students — unless  they  were  pupils  of  the  Jesuits.^^  Peiia's  diary  of  his 
Rota  career  still  survives  in  manuscript,  and  this  and  other  documents 
offer  important  source  materials  for  the  work  of  the  papal  curia  and 
the  Rota  in  the  last  two  decades  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  the  first 
decade  of  the  seventeenth.^^  Pefia  also  was  consulted  on  causes  of 
canonization,  and  his  lives  of  a  number  of  saints,  including  St.  Ray- 
mond of  Peiiafort,  St.  Charles  Borromeo,  and  St.  Francesca  Romana, 
appeared  between  1606  and  1609.  In  1611  he  published  De  temporali 
regno  Christi,  a  detailed  exposition  of  the  temporal  authority  of  the 
Church,  citing  extensive  materials  from  the  Old  Testament  to  the 
Council  of  Trent,  and  rejecting  Lorenzo  Valla's  proofs  of  the  forgery 
of  the  Donation  of  Constantine.'^^  From  1604  until  his  death  in  1612 
Peiia  was  Dean  of  the  Rota,  succeeding  Girolamo  Pamphili.  Peiia 
was,  in  brief,  a  good  example  of  an  important,  but  surprisingly 

[98] 


neglected  type  of  late  sixteenth-century  churchman,  one  of  that  busy 
and  learned  corps  of  lawyers,  judges,  administrators,  and  theologians 
who  did  the  daily  work  of  engineering  the  influence  of  the  Council 
of  Trent  and  the  Tridentine  papacy  upon  the  world  of  early  modern 
Europe.  His  career  and  his  work  illuminate  an  obscure  corner  of  a 
particularly  influential  period  in  European  history. 

In  spite  of  the  importance  of  his  position  on  the  Rota  and  in  papal 
councils  and  the  variety  of  his  later  writings,  Peiia  is  particularly 
interesting  in  his  role  as  scholar  and  editor.  For  it  is  in  these  capacities 
that  his  expertise  in  juristic  theology,  canon  law,  and  inquisitorial 
procedure  found  its  most  important  outlet  in  the  great  age  of  the 
ecclesiastical  use  of  print  that  culminated  in  the  pontificates  of  Greg- 
ory XIII,  Sixtus  V,  and  Clement  VIII.  Peiia  became  the  continuator 
and  successor  of  Nicholas  Eymeric  and  the  greatest  authority  on 
inquisitorial  history  and  procedure  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

Although  the  precise  circumstances  surrounding  Peiia's  decision  to 
undertake  an  edition  and  expansion  of  Eymeric's  Directorium  are  not 
clear,  Pena  himself  remarked  on  several  occasions  that  he  had  acted 
at  the  behest  of  officials  of  the  Inquisition,  and  once  that  he  had  been 
ordered  to  perform  this  task.^^  From  the  end  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
until  the  early  years  of  the  seventeenth  century,  ecclesiastical  con- 
cern for  precise,  authorized  texts  of  the  essential  monuments  of  ec- 
clesiastical literature  was  particularly  marked.  From  the  appearance 
of  the  Catechismus  Romanus  in  1556  to  the  Roman  breviary  in  1568, 
the  missal  in  1570,  the  Directorium  in  1578,  the  editio  Roinana  of  the 
Corpus  iuris  canonici  in  1582,  the  Tractatus  universi  iuris  in  1584,  the 
ecclesiastical  history  of  Baronius,  the  new  Vulgate,  and  the  new 
martyrology,  the  Church's  use  of  print  to  provide  standard  editions 
of  these  literary  monuments  was  extensive  and  remarkably  success- 
ful. If  we  regard  Peiia's  edition  of  the  Directorium  in  this  tradition,  the 
sponsorship  of  the  Inquisition  and  the  papacy  becomes  clearer  in  the 
light  of  other  similar  projects  that  occupied  the  popes  for  the  next 
two  decades  at  least.  The  most  recent  commentator  on  this  question, 
Louis  Sala-Molins,  states  perhaps  too  bluntly  that  "Rome  chose  the 
Directorium  inquisitorum.  ...  It  was  as  if  Rome  recognized — two 
centuries  later — in  the  work  of  Eymeric  its  own  work,  in  Eymeric's 
orientation  its  own  orientation,  in  the  theological  web  of  the  text  of 
the  Inquisitor  of  Aragon  its  own  true  theological  orientation  in  the 

[99] 


face  of  a  . .  .  line  of  completely  new  Cathars."^'^  Sala-Molins  goes  on 
to  depict  the  General  of  the  Dominican  Order  (and  later  one  of  the 
Correctores  Romani),  Paolo  Constabile,  and  the  Commissioner  Gen- 
eral of  the  Roman  Inquisition,  Tommaso  Zobbio,  urging  Peiia  on  to 
his  edition  and  expansion  of  Eymeric's  text,  being  constantly  con- 
sulted by  him,  and,  with  Gregory  XIII,  placing  the  fmal  stamp  of 
approval  upon  the  completed  work.  Considering  the  Directorium 
iiiqidsitorum  edition  of  1578  in  the  light  of  other  papally  sponsored 
publications  during  this  period  suggests  that  Sala-Molins  is  probably 
right,  although  his  exaggerated  rhetoric  is  distinctly  misleading. 

Whatever  the  exact  circumstances  that  began  Peiia's  editorial 
work,  the  publication  of  the  Directorium  clearly  did  not  end  it.  In  his 
additiones  to  Eymeric  and  in  other  notes  and  commentaries  in  later 
works,  he  recalls  again  and  again  his  work  in  archives,  the  problems 
of  manuscript  traditions,  and  the  many  years  he  has  spent  on  edi- 
torial problems.  Not  only  did  his  work  on  Eymeric  lead  him  to  the 
later  work  of  Vignate,  Grillandi,  and  Bernard  of  Como,  but  to  the 
works  of  other  writers  from  the  thirteenth  to  the  sixteenth  centuries, 
several  of  which  he  appears  to  have  transcribed  but  never  published 
himself.^^  As  an  editor  of  rather  specialized  texts,  a  hunter  in  archives 
and  libraries,  and  an  energetic  publisher,  particularly  between  1578 
and  1588,  Peiia  offers  some  illumination  upon  the  working  tech- 
niques and  attitudes  of  late  sixteenth-century  ecclesiastical  scholars. 
Exhaustive,  tireless,  careful,  and  precise  as  a  textual  critic  in  the  best 
traditions  of  sixteenth-century  scholarship,  Pefia  sees  little  but  tech- 
nical discontinuity  between  Eymeric's  work  and  his  own.  His  edition 
of  the  Directorium  is  both  a  skillful  establishment  of  a  difficult  text  and 
a  coherent  and  consistent  expansion  of  the  text  that  establishes  the 
theological  and  juridical  continuity  between  Eymeric's  time  and  his 
own.  The  finished  work  is,  in  fact,  one  of  both  men.  Peiia  continu- 
ally compliments  and  criticizes  Eymeric  for  his  treatment  of  indi- 
vidual topics,  retaining  the  format  of  his  original,  fitting  his  own  ex- 
pansion in  the  form  of  289  commentarii  following  Eymeric's  discus- 
sions and  cited  texts.  The  very  process  of  establishing  a  printed  text  of 
the  Directorium,  with  numerous  additions  of  documentary  evidence, 
bibliographical  references  to  the  scholarship  of  the  intervening  two 
centuries,  and  his  own  comments,  permitted  Peiia  to  focus  in  a  single 
printed  volume,  prefaced  by  a  letter  of  papal  approval  and  dedicated 

[  100  ] 


to  the  members  of  the  Roman  Inquisition,  a  summa  of  inquisitorial 
theology  and  procedure,  supplemented  by  a  collection  of  docu- 
mentary evidence  hardly  conceivable  before  the  advent  of  the  printed 
book  and  the  editorial  techniques  it  inaugurated. 

The  first  part  of  the  Directorium  consists  of  seventy-five  quarto 
pages  containing  an  exposition  of  the  faith  illustrated  largely  from 
texts  and  glosses  out  of  canonical  collections.  Peiia's  comments  here 
are  brief,  and  there  are  only  twenty-six  of  them.  The  second  part 
consists  of  308  pages  on  legal  topics  pertinent  to  inquisitorial  author- 
ity and  procedure,  chiefly  selected  from  canon  law,  other  decretals, 
canonists'  commentaries,  and  a  series  of  fifty-eight  quaestiones  of 
Eymeric.  To  this  part  Peiia  added  eighty-three  commentarii,  longer 
and  more  full  of  later  references  than  those  in  the  first  part.  The 
third  part  of  the  work  is  the  handbook  of  inquisitorial  procedure 
proper,  131  quaestiones  by  Eymeric  and  1 80  commentarii  by  Peiia.  The 
three  parts  are  followed  by  Peiia's  index,  a  collection  of  papal  de- 
cretals from  Innocent  III  to  the  Council  of  Trent,  a  brief  summary  of 
the  whole  work  by  Peiia,  and  Peiia's  index  to  the  topics  treated  in  the 
appendix  of  decretals.  The  volume,  a  vast  expansion  of  Eymeric's 
own  considerable  treatise,  made  available  to  any  inquisitor  a  one- 
volume  library  of  inquisitorial  history,  theology,  authority,  pro- 
cedure, and  bibliographical  and  documentary  citations,  not,  to  be 
sure,  an  official  work,  but  an  enormously  serviceable  and  authori- 
tative one. 

As  an  editor,  Peiia  was  as  diligent  as  any  other  accomplished  six- 
teenth-century scholar.  He  notes  that  he  has  worked  for  several  years 
on  this  project,  has  consulted  many  ecclesiastical  officials  (not  only 
inquisitors)  on  difficult  points,  and  has  diligently  sought  out  the  best 
manuscripts  and  compared  manuscripts  carefully;  and,  like  most 
talented  editors,  he  cannot  resist  commenting  upon  the  defective 
character  of  many  manuscripts  and  the  Barcelona  edition  of  1503. ^^ 
He  identifies  those  manuscripts  he  found  most  reliable,  and  he  articu- 
lately defends  his  choices:  "from  all  of  these,"  he  says,  "one  version 
was  conflated  that  is  perfect  (if  I  am  not  mistaken)  and  must  be 
attributed  to  the  work  of  Eymeric. "^^  He  performed  his  editorial 
duties  painstakingly,  conflating  his  manuscripts  word  by  word,  he 
says,  "quod  laboriosius  erat."^^  Throughout  his  commentarii  he  con- 
tinuously calls  attention  to  the  problem  of  variant  readings,  and  he 

[  101  ] 


frequently  prints  thesc.^^  On  occasion,  Pena  must  explain  some 
idiosyncrasies  of  Aragonese  linguistic  usage  that  have  crept  into 
Eymeric's  text:  ''Sacpe  mofiui,  Eymericum  in  hoc  opere  uti  solitum 
vocibus  vulgarihus  tidtionis  nostrae."^^  In  many  places  Pena  offers  six- 
teenth-century views  of  medieval  heretics  mentioned  by  Eymeric 
and  expands  Eymeric's  lists  to  include  such  figures  as  Wyclif,  Hus, 
Jerome  of  Prague,  Luther,  and  Calvin.^^  Arnold  of  Villanova  retains 
his  grim  reputation:  ''scinius  . . .  magnum  fuisse  haereticum  &  daemonum 
invocatorem."^^ 

On  the  subject  of  witchcraft  and  magic,  in  which  Peiia  takes  par- 
ticular interest  here  and  in  other  works,  he  cites  much  of  the  large 
literature  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  frequently  citing 
the  Malleus  maleficarum  (which  he  attributes  to  Jacob  Sprenger  alone). 
He  denounces  the  use  of  the  astrolabe  for  the  purposes  of  that  kind  of 
astrology  called  interrogatoria,  and  he  occasionally  uses  his  own  ju- 
dicial experience  to  illustrate  a  point  made  by  Eymeric: 

A  great  number  of  this  kind  of  witches  moreover  are  accustomed  to  using 
words  and  pretended  prayers,  either  from  the  Psalms  of  David  or  from 
other  parts  of  Holy  Scripture  which  they  sometimes  inscribe  in  extraor- 
dinary and  superstitious  ways  upon  pure  new  pages  made  of  skins,  which 
pages  they  call  virgins,  and  they  combine  these  at  times  with  the  names  of 
certain  unknown  angels,  as  we  ourselves  witnessed  a  year  or  so  ago  in  the 
case  of  a  certain  unfortunate  man,  taken  from  him  when  he  was  led  to 
prison.  In  these  there  were  certain  unusual  circles,  characters,  and  designs, 
and  figures  very  much  to  be  wondered  at,  and  very  superstitious.^^ 

Besides  his  particular  interest  in  witchcraft  and  astrology,  Pena 
was  especially  inclined  to  comment  extensively  in  the  third  part  of 
the  Directorium  on  topics  of  judicial  procedure,  his  real  center  of 
interest  and  expertise.  In  these  pages,  Peiia  the  judge  rivals  Peiia  the 
editor.  As  in  the  case  of  Eymeric's  linguistic  usage  of  Aragonese 
terms,  Peiia  sometimes  points  out  the  differences  between  the  in- 
quisitorial practices  of  Rome  and  Spain.^"^  The  late  sixteenth  and 
early  seventeenth  centuries  produced  many  treatises  on  judicial  pro- 
cedure, another  generally  neglected  area  of  scholarly  study,  and 
among  these  Pefia's  work  on  the  third  part  of  the  Directorium  occu- 
pies an  important  place.  For  it  is  in  the  field  of  procedure  and  its 
problems  that  Peria  appears  to  have  felt  most  at  home,  and  even  his 

[  102  ] 


fascination  with  the  prosecution  of  heretics  and  witches  sometimes 
seems  explainable  by  his  concern  for  the  procedural  intricacies  these 
trials  involve.  It  is  certainly  the  field  in  which  he  continued  his  edi- 
torial work  between  1578  and  1584,  noting  that  he  was  still  consult- 
ing old  manuscripts  and  evidently  compiling  a  respectable  library  of 
his  own. 

Peiia's  work  as  an  editor  appears  to  have  been  curtailed  by  his 
appointment  to  the  Rota,  and  none  of  his  juridical  works  can  be 
dated  later  than  1584.  Like  Agustin  before  him,  Pena  appears  to  have 
been  wholly  occupied  with  his  judicial  duties  while  on  the  Rota,  as 
well  as  with  the  other  matters  of  papal  counselling  and  work  on  be- 
half of  Philip  II  that  also  occupied  his  time.  Peiia  brought  inquisi- 
torial theory  and  practice  to  a  high  degree  of  rationality,  of  course, 
long  after  the  Inquisition  itself  had  lost  its  universal  character.  And  he 
sometimes  seems  to  write  in  a  timeless  world  of  institutional  regu- 
larity in  which  he  and  Eymeric  and  the  other  theorists  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion and  witchcraft  upon  whose  works  he  expended  so  much  energy 
are  not  separated  by  periods  of  time  or  changing  relations  within  the 
Church  and  between  the  Church  and  other  powers.  To  a  certain 
degree,  of  course,  Peiia  was  not  mistaken,  for  the  logic  of  the  lawyer 
and  procedural  expert  appealed  across  the  lines  dividing  Protestants 
and  Catholics,  as  the  later  careers  of  such  works  as  the  Malleus 
maleficarum  and  the  handbooks  of  Nicholas  Remy  and  Martin  Del 
Rio  show.  Many  tracts  De  strigihus,  shaped  at  the  outset  by  inquisi- 
tors, served  as  models  for  both  spiritual  and  temporal  judges,  Prot- 
estant and  Catholic,  learned  and  unlearned,  in  most  kingdoms  of 
seventeenth-century  Europe.  On  both  sides  of  the  dividing  lines,  as 
C.  S.  Lewis  pointed  out  on  another  occasion,  new  learning  marched 
hand  in  hand  with  new  ignorance.-'^  As  a  curious  representative  of 
both,  Pena  ranks  with  other,  often  greater  thinkers  in  the  battles 
against  dissidents,  heretics,  and  witches,  and  he  and  they  both  em- 
ployed an  unsettling  combination  of  modern  scholarly  techniques 
and  brute  force  and  terror,  Peiia  is  certainly  not  a  sixteenth-century 
hero,  neither  a  great  reforming  bishop  like  Borromeo  or  Paleotti  nor 
a  virtuoso  pope  like  Sixtus  V.  His  thought  and  his  work,  however, 
constitute  part  of  an  interesting  and  often  neglected  chapter  in  the 
complex  history  of  European  ideas  and  institutions  in  the  early 
modern  period.  Behind  the  great  events  and  personages  of  the  Coun- 

[  103   ] 


cil  of  Trent,  the  Wars  of  Religion,  and  the  Counter-Reformation, 
lesser,  busy,  diligent  people  like  Peiia  turned  the  vast  forces  of  nov- 
elty and  tradition  into  the  machinery  of  institutional  life  in  the  court, 
the  diocese,  and  the  kingdom. 


NOTES 

1.  C.  S.  Lewis,  The  Discarded  Image  (Cambridge,  1964),  p.  10. 

2.  C.  Douais,  Practica  inquisitionis  heretice  pravitads  auctore  Bernardo  Guidonis,  O.P. 
(Paris,  1886).  Bernard  Gui,  Manuel  de  Vinquisiteur,  ed.  and  trans.  G.  Mollat,  2 
vols.  (Paris,  1926-27),  is  a  French  translation  of  Book  v  of  Gui's  work  and 
short  selections  from  other  parts  of  the  treatise.  On  the  development  of  the 
genre  still  standard  is  A.  Dondaine,  "Le  manuel  de  I'inquisiteur  (1230-1330)," 
Archh'utn  fratruni  praedicatomm,  17  (1947),  85-194. 

3.  Directorium  inquisitorum  F.  Nicholai  Eymerici  Ordinis  Praed.  cum  commentariis 
FrancisciPegnae  Sacrae  Theologiae  ac  itiris  utriusque Doctor  (Rome,  1 578 ).  Through- 
out this  paper  I  have  used  the  edition  of  Rome,  1587,  and  all  page  references 
are  to  that  edition.  The  Lea  Library  also  possesses  a  copy  of  the  Venice  edi- 
tion of  1607.  H.  Hurter,  Nomenclator  literarius,  iii  (Innsbruck,  1907),  col.  579, 
states  that  there  was  an  earlier  Roman  edition  of  1570  (questioned  by  Dondaine, 
art.  cit.,  p.  124,  n.  22).  Hurter  appears  to  have  rehed  exclusively  upon  the 
prefatory  biography  of  Peila  printed  with  his  De  temporali  regno  Christi  (see 
below,  n.  22)  in  J.  T.  de  Rocaberti,  Bibliotheca  maxima  pontificia,  xii  (Rome, 
1698;  photo-rpt.,  Graz,  1970),  255-256,  which  is  the  only  known  reference  to 
an  edition  of  1570.  Rocaberti's  error  appears  to  have  found  its  way  into 
Hurter's  literary  history  and  from  there  into  Dondaine's  properly  sceptical 
foomote.  Louis  Sala-Mohns,  in  the  introduction  to  his  translation  of  excerpts 
from  the  Directorium  into  French  (Nicolau  Eymerich,  Francisco  Peiia,  Le 
manuel  des  inquisiteurs  [Paris  and  La  Haye,  1973],  p.  18,  n.  14)  cites  unacknowl- 
edged abridgements  and  translations  of  the  work  into  French  at  Paris  in  1762 
and  into  Spanish  at  Avignon  in  1821,  as  well  as  other  proposals  for  new  editions 
and  abridgements.  There  is  no  other  evidence  for  a  Roman  edition  of  1570,  and 
my  dating  of  Pena's  career  (see  above,  pp.  97-99)  would  make  it  highly  un- 
hkely  that  the  young  canonist  and  theologian,  new  to  Rome  itself  in  the  late 
1560's,  would  have  had  time  to  produce  such  a  work  by  1570. 

4.  On  Eymeric,  see  the  references  in  the  article  by  E.  Mangenot,  Dictionnaire  de 
theologie  catholique,  v  (Paris,  1924),  cols.  2027-2028;  J.  Quetif  andj.  Echard, 
Scriptores  ordinis  praedicatorum,  1  (Paris,  1719),  709-717.  On  the  manuscripts  of 
the  work,  see  H.  Dcnifle,  "Die  Hss.  von  Eymerichs  Directorium  Inquisitionis," 
Archiv  filr  Literatur-  und  Kirchengeschiclitc  des  Mittelalters,  I  (Berlin,  1885),  143- 
145.  Eymeric  also  figures  prominently  in  Henry  Charles  Lea,  The  History  of  the 
Inquisition  of  the  Middle  Ages  (New  York,  1887)  and  in  Lea's  Materials  toward  a 
History  of  Witchcraft  (Philadelphia,  1939). 


[  104   ] 


5.  Directornwi,  Praefatio,  sig.  f  S'^. 

6.  For  Pena,  see  the  introduction  to  Sala-Molins  (cit.  sup.,  n.3)  and  the  brief 
article  by  J.  Lahache  in  the  Dictionnaire  de  droit  canonique,  vi  (Paris,  1957).  cols. 
1317-1318,  neither  of  which  is  whoUy  satisfactory.  The  best  modern  bibU- 
ography  is  in  J.  F.  von  Schulte,  Die  Geschichte  der  Qiiellen  und  Literatur  des 
canonischen  Rechts,  m/i  (rpt.  Graz,  1956),  734.  More  complete  is  the  list  in 
Nicholas  Antonius,  Bibliotheca  Hispana  nova,  i  (Madrid,  1783).  457-458. 

7.  Some  of  Peiia's  work  on  behalf  of  PhiUp  II  is  discussed  in  Ludwig  von  Pastor, 
The  History  of  the  Popes  from  the  Close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  vols,  xix-xxv,  ed. 
Ralph  F.  Kerr  and  E.  Graf  (London,  1930-1937),  Indices,  s.v.  Pcna,  Francisco. 
A  recent  general  study  is  John  Lynch,  "Phihp  II  and  the  Papacy,"  Transactions 
of  the  Royal  Historical  Society,  Fifth  Series,  xi  (1961),  23-42. 

8.  Lahache,  col.  1317. 

9.  See  F.  de  Zulueta,  Don  Antonio  Agustin,  The  David  Murray  Lectures  (Glasgow, 
1939)-  For  Agustin's  opinion  of  Peria,  see  below,  n.  11. 

10.  The  specific  nature  of  Peiia's  first  duties  in  Rome  is  obscure,  but  his  association 
with  officials  of  the  Inquisition  by  the  mid-1570's  at  the  latest  seems  certain. 

11.  On  Peila  and  the  editio  romana,  the  most  frequently  cited  reference  is  Agustin's 
Antonii  Augustini  dialogorum  lihri  duo  de  emendatione  Gratiani,  ed.  Stephanus 
Baluzius  (Paris,  1672),  pp.  238,  434;  the  work  may  also  be  found  in  Antonii 
Augustini  opera  omnia,  iii  (Lucca,  1767),  1-216.  At  the  end  of  Book  i  (p.  107  of 
vol.  m)  Agustin  appends  a  select  hst  of  those  who,  "sub  Pio  IV.  &  Pio  V. 
emendationi  Gratiani  ah  eisdem  Praefectornm  hie  est,"  listing  cardinals  appointed  by 
Pius  IV  and  those  appointed  by  Pius  V,  followed  by  a  similar  listing  of  Doctors. 
Pena's  name  is  listed  under  those  Doctors  who  "additi  sunt,"  thus  strongly  sug- 
gesting that  Peiia  was  added  by  Pius  V,  not  Pius  IV,  as  a  number  of  later  casual 
readings  of  Agustin's  list  suggest.  E.  Friedberg,  in  the  prefatory  material  to  his 
edition  of  the  Dccretum  magistri  Gratiani  (Leipzig,  1879),  col.  Lxxvn,  states  that 
Pena  was  appointed  by  Gregory  XIII,  and  in  spite  of  Rocaberti,  Antonius,  and 
Hurter,  the  appointment  by  Gregory  XIII  seems  far  more  likely.  Agustin  goes 
on  to  note  that  "cujus  sunt  additiones  Decretahum  sine  nomine,  quia  templum 
Dianae  incendisse  visus  est."  This  curious  reference  to  Herostratus,  who  burned 
the  temple  of  Diana  at  Ephesus  in  356  B.C.  in  order  to  insure  immortal  fame 
for  himself,  is  hardly  complimentary  to  Peiia,  and  Baluze  takes  some  pains  to 
correct  it.  It  is  unknown  whether  Agustin  knew  Peiia,  since  he  left  Rome  for 
Spain  in  1564,  at  a  date  that  was  probably  too  early  for  Peiia  to  have  arrived. 
He  certainly  knew  Peiia's  reputation,  and  his  remark  seems  to  indicate  a  certain 
ambitiousness  and  officiousness  in  Peiia's  character.  Agustin  was  a  far  greater 
scholar,  however,  and  he  probably  regarded  Peiia's  marginal  comments  exces- 
sive and  somewhat  pretentious.  See  also  Pastor,  vol.  xxi,  p.  222,  with  further 
references. 

12.  Pastor,  vol.  xxv,  p.  3i6n.  See  also  vol.  xxm,  pp.  80-201. 

13.  E.g.,  L.  Moreri,  Grand  dictionaire  historique,  vn  (Amsterdam  [etc.],  1740),  114: 
"Au  reste,  cet  Auteur  avoit  un  furieux  entetement  pour  I'lnquisition,  comme 
on  en  peut  juger  par  deux  de  ses  pieces;  la  premiere  contre  I'absolution  donnee 

[  105    ] 


en  France  au  Roi  Henri  le  Grand;  &  la  seconde  centre  I'Arret  celebre  du 
Parlement  de  Paris  donne  centre  Jean  Chatel,  qui  avoit  attcnte  a  la  vie  du  Roi 
Henri  IV." 

14.  In  his  Pracfatio,  and  in  his  dedication  of  the  Dircctorium  to  the  officials  of  the 
Inquisition,  Pciia  strongly  suggests  that  he  worked  at  their  behest  and  sponsor- 
ship. In  the  Tractatus  universi  iuris,  vol.  xi,  pt.  2  (Venice,  1584),  Peiia  states  in  an 
additio  to  a  tract  that  he  did  not  edit,  but  commented  upon  in  that  collection, 
"quae  multis  scculis  latuerunt  donee  superioribus  annis  una  cum  directorio 
Inquisitoris  Romae  iussu  lUustrissimorum  Cardinalium  Inquisitorum  gene- 
raliuni  in  universa  Respublica  Christiana,  in  lucem  data  sunt,"  fol.  412'".  A 
papal  letter  of  approval  prefaces  the  Directorium. 

15.  Commentarii  in  Anibrosii  de  Vignate  Tract,  de  haereticis  (Rome,  1581);  In  Pauli 
Grillandi  De  haereticis  (Rome,  1581). 

16.  In  the  Tractatus  universi  iuris,  besides  the  Tractatus  seu  forma  procedendi  contra  de 
haeresi  inquisitos,  first  published  in  Venice  in  1571,  which  Peiia  printed  in  vol. 
XI,  pt.  2,  fol.  4io''-42i'",  there  are  other  materials  by  Pefia,  such  as  the  De 
haeresi  .  .  .  Avihrosii  de  Vignate  cum  additiones  Francisci  Pegnae,  ibid.,  fol.  2-23, 
and  probably  at  Peiia's  recommendation  the  Lucerna  inquisitorum  haereticae 
pravitatis  of  Bernard  of  Como,  but  in  the  edition  of  Milan,  1566 — Peiia  had 
probably  not  yet  completed  his  own  edition  and  commentary  on  the  Lucerna, 
which  also  appeared  in  1584.  In  addition,  there  is  a  short  comment  by  Peiia  on 
Corrado  Bruno's  De  haereticis,  fol.  m^,  and  in  a  number  of  Peiia's  comments 
there  are  indications  that  he  was  already  at  work,  if  not  finished  with  his  edition 
of  Guy  Foulques'  Consultatio,  for  which  see  next  note.  Dondaine  (p.  122)  also 
attributes  to  Pefia  the  responsibihty  for  the  inclusion  of  the  Tractatus  super 
materia  hereticorum,  fol.  234'"-269'^  in  the  edition  of  Campeggi. 

17.  First  printed  in  C.  Carena,  Tractatus  de  officio  sanctissimae  inquisitionis  et  modo 
procedendi  in  causisjidei  (Cremona,  1641),  pp.  394-486  (in  the  Lyons  edition). 
The  work  was  reprinted  in  Cremona  in  1655  and  at  Lyons  in  1669.  The  Lea 
Library  possesses  copies  of  the  Lyons,  1669  edition  as  well  as  an  edition  of 
Bologna,  1668.  In  addition  to  Peiia's  Praxis,  Carena  also  prints  the  Consultatio 
of  Guy  Foulques  (later  Pope  Clement  IV)  on  pp.  365-393  (in  the  Lyons  edi- 
tion). On  this  document,  see  Dondaine,  pp.  184-186.  Lea  MS.  163  in  the 
Library  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  is  a  nineteenth-century  transcription 
of  a  work  entitled  De  tempore  gratiae  quod  ah  heresi  ad  Catholicam  redeuntibus 
interdum  concedi  solet,  cap.  xxiii,  De  statu  Judaeorum,  by  Peiia,  from  MS.  H  221 
in  the  Ambrosiana  Library.  Dondaine  states  that  this  manuscript  was  Peiia's 
own  copy,  made  for  publication  purposes  but  never  printed  by  him,  of  the 
Consuhatio  of  Guy  Foulques  from  the  fourteenth-century  MS.  Vat.  Lat.  3978 
(Dondaine,  pp.  140-154).  The  Lea  MS.  163  appears  to  be  the  transcription  of 
some  of  Peiia's  added  material  to  the  Consultatio,  and  the  Carena  edition  may 
in  fact  be  Peiia's  own  transcription. 

18.  For  Peiia  as  an  Auditor  of  the  Rota,  see  E.  Cerchiari,  Capellani  papae  et  Apos- 
tolicae  Sedis  auditores  causarum  S.  Palatii  Apostolici  seu  S.  Romanae  Rotae  ah 
origine  ad  d.  20  Sept.  i8yo,  4  vols.  (Rome,  1921).  See  also  Charles  Lefebvre,  art., 

[  106  ] 


"Rote  Romaine  (Tribunal  de  la  Sainte),"  Dictionnaire  de  droit  canonique,  vol. 
VII  (Paris,  1965),  cols.  742-771.  Excerpts  of  Pena's  diary  are  to  be  found  in 
Cerchiari,  vol.  11,  pp.  117-118;  vol.  iii,  pp.  310-320.  Other  excerpts  are  printed 
in  H.  Hoberg,  "Die  Diarien  der  Rotarichter,"  Romische  Quartalschrift,  l  (1955), 
on  pp.  61-64. 

19.  Jani  Nicii  Erythraei  (Giovanni  Vittorio  Rossi),  Pinacotheca  imagimim  illnstrium 

(Leipzig,  1692),  pp.  143-144- 

20.  Pastor,  vol.  xxiv,  pp.  281-342,  esp.  317. 

21.  Peila's  diary  and  other  records  of  his  activities  in  the  papal  court  offer  a  broader 
portrait  of  the  man  himself.  Some  of  this  material  is  given  in  Pastor's  notes, 
e.g.,  vol.  XXI,  p.  213,  Peiia  on  the  version  of  the  Septuagint  of  Sixtus  V,  and 
above,  references  in  n.  12,  for  other  material.  Pefia  is  also  frequently  mentioned 
as  an  adviser  of  Clement  VIII  "in  great  matters,"  but  the  most  recent  study  of 
Clement's  pontificate,  H.  Jaschke,  "  'Das  personliche  Regiment'  Clemens'  VIII. 
Zur  Geschichte  des  papstlichen  Staatssekretariats,"  Romische  Quartalschrift,  lxv 
(1970),  133-144,  makes  no  mention  of  Pefia. 

22.  Sup.,  n.  3.  The  reference  to  Valla  is  on  pp.  349-350. 

23.  See  sup.,  n.  14.  Peria's  other  references  to  the  subject  may  be  found  in  the 
Praefatio,  fol.  t3^-t4'^.  Besides  Constabile  and  Zobbio,  Peiia  cites  personally 
only  Honoratus  Figuerola,  "patritius  Valentinus,  iuris  utriusque  Doctor  eru- 
ditissimus,  &  nunc  ecclesiae  Valentinae  Canonicus,  qui  nobis  scribentibus  fre- 
quentia  iuris  loca  ad  varias  &  difficiles  controversias  diluendas  suppeditabat," 
ibid.,  fol.  t4'". 

24.  Sala-Molins  (cit.  sup.,  n.  3),  pp.  15-16.  This  passage  fairly  characterizes  Sala- 
Molins'  editorial  tone  throughout  his  introduction. 

25.  The  notes,  additiones,  commentarii,  and  other  references  by  Pefia  suggest  that  he 
was  familiar  with  a  very  wide  number  of  such  works,  and  that  he  knew  them 
and  the  archives  in  which  they  were  deposited  very  well.  See,  e.g.,  such  re- 
marks as  "a  few  years  ago,  when  we  were  writing  commentaries  on  the 
Directoriinn  inquisitorum  ...  we  found  many  manuscripts,  and  we  now  pubhsh 
this,"  Tractatus  universi  iuris,  vol.  xi,  pt.  2,  fol.  410  (mispaginated  412).  Don- 
daine  suggests  much  the  same  picture  of  Peiia's  years  in  the  archives. 

26.  Directorium  inquisitorum,  Praefatio,  sig.  ■|'3'^. 

27.  Ibid. 
28. Ibid. 

29.  Ibid.,  e.g.,  pp.  343E,  443E,  483E,  687. 

30.  Ibid.,  p.  391. 

31.  Ibid.,  p.  429.  Cf  De  regno  Christi,  pp.  324f. 

32.  Ibid.,  p.  444. 

33.  Ibid.,  p.  483. 

34.  Ibid.,  p.  512. 

35.  EngUsh  Literature  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  (Oxford,  1954),  PP-  1-65. 


[  107  ] 


Zwingli  and  His  Publisher 

G.  R.  POTTER 


THE  significance  of  the  printing  press  for  both  Renaissance  and 
Reformation  in  the  fifteenth  and  early  sixteenth  centuries  is 
nowadays  fully  recognised;  without  its  aid  they  would  have  been 
very  different  phenomena.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  relatively  rapid 
multiplication  of  standard  texts  of  newly  discovered  and  newly  ap- 
preciated classical  authors,  humanism  must  have  spread  with  much 
greater  difficulty,  while  the  progress  of  the  Reformation  was  still 
more  obviously  indebted  to  it.  The  speed  of  the  diffusion  of  the  art  of 
printing  from  Mainz  after  1453  is  itself  remarkable,  and  Switzerland 
was  certain  to  be  early  affected  by  it.  By  1470  the  printing  press  was 
firmly  established  in  Basel.  With  surprising  celerity,  taking  advantage 
of  the  Rhine  as  a  channel  of  communication,  and  of  the  existence  of 
paper  mills  there,  the  seventeen  or  so  Basel  printers  of  the  1470's  soon 
caught  up  with  their  rivals,  particularly  Aldus  Manutius  of  Venice.^ 
With  special  generosity  or  foresight,  the  Basel  council  encouraged 
them,  as  did  the  presence  of  the  university  and  the  availability  of 
block-cutters,  calendar  makers,  illuminators,  book  binders,  and  mak- 
ers of  playing  cards.  There  was  even  a  printers'  strike  in  1471, 
evidence  of  prosperity  as  well  as  activity;  Savonarola  used  a  Bible 
printed  in  Basel  in  1491,  and  Luther  one  of  1509.  By  the  time 
Zwingli  was  a  student  there  (1502-06),  the  art  was  fully  established 
with  the  following  well-known  names:  Heylin  (helped  by  Sebastian 
Brant),  Bergman  von  Olpe,  John  and  Boniface  Amerbach  (helped 
by  Wimpheling  and  Reuchlin),  Petri,  and  Froben  (both  these  able  to 
attract  Erasmus  and  Holbein). ^ 

Printing  and  publishing  were  not  differentiated;  to  be  a  printer 
you  needed  to  be  something  of  a  scholar  and  a  businessman  with 
capital  as  well.^  There  was  no  law  of  copyright;  success  brought  good 
profits,  failure  easy  bankruptcy.  Zwingli,  who  knew  and  loved 
books,  which  he  had  been  actively  buying  ever  since  he  graduated,^ 
rejoiced  in  the  possibilities  that  a  scholarly  printer  afforded.  When  he 
arrived  in  Zurich  in  1519,  he  had  the  great  good  fortune  to  find  a 

[  108  ] 


printer-publisher  already  established  there.  A  faint  start  at  printing 
had  been  made  there  by  Sigmund  Rot  in  1479  which  soon  petered 
out,  and  a  similar  enterprise  by  Hans  Riiegger  seemed  likely  to  meet 
a  similar  fate.  However,  on  the  latter's  death  in  March  1517,  his 
apprentice  and  partner,  a  young  man  named  Christopher  Froschauer 
from  Neuburg  near  Altotting  (Bavaria)  married  his  widow  and  took 
over  the  business.^  The  first  book,  a  small  volume  of  devotions  to  the 
Virgin  Mary,  appeared  at  the  end  of  1518,  and  in  1519  the  Zurich 
council  accepted  Froschauer  as  a  citizen  "on  account  of  his  work." 
Zwingli  started  his  sermons  in  the  Grossmiinster  in  the  same  year. 

How  they  met  and  how  it  was  that  Froschauer  early  became  an 
enthusiastic  follower  of  the  new  preacher  we  do  not  know,  but  he 
was  already  acquainted  with  Zwingli's  friend  Leo  Jud,  who  had 
translated  some  of  Erasmus's  writings  for  him^  and  helped  him  to 
produce  Luther's  Von  der  Freiheit  eines  Christenmenschen  in  1521. 
Printing  in  the  early  sixteenth  century  involved  much  heavy  manual 
labour,  as  anyone  who  has  seen  the  reconstructed  Gutenberg  press  at 
Mainz  must  recognise.  At  the  beginning  of  Lent,  1522,  Froschauer's 
small  staff  was  working  overtime  in  order  to  get  ready  a  consign- 
ment of  books  to  Frankfurt.  During  the  evening  there  was  an  interval 
for  refreshment,  which  consisted  of  beer,  bread,  and  two  sausages. 
Among  those  present  were  Leo  Jud  and  Zwingli.  The  latter,  a 
Catholic  priest,  did  not  eat  any  of  the  meat,  but  made  no  attempt  to 
prevent  the  others  from  doing  so."^  His  explanation  came  from  Frosch- 
auer's press  on  April  16:  Von  Erkiessen  und  Freiheit  der  Speisen  (Con- 
cerning the  Choice  and  Freedom  of  Foods). ^  In  a  sense,  the  Zwinglian 
reformation  dates  from  this.  His  preaching  had  encouraged  this  act  of 
defiance,  and  his  published  justification  made  a  breach,  with  the 
Bishop  of  Constance  at  least,  inevitable.  Thus  Froschauer,  who  ul- 
timately paid  a  small  fine  for  his  fault,  was  initially  responsible  for 
pushing  Zwingli  a  little  further  than  he  was  then  ready  to  go.  It  was, 
in  fact,  the  step  over  the  precipice. 

Froschauer's  earliest  press  was  established  in  the  vineyard  close  to 
the  Dominican  cloister  near  the  site  now  (1974)  occupied  by  the 
Zurich  Zentralbibliothek  and  the  Staatsarchiv,^  He  later  moved  to 
better  quarters  in  the  former  Franciscan  convent,  and  his  business 
expanded  rapidly.  In  general  the  printing  was  of  very  good  quality, 
and  he  had  a  fount  of  admirably  legible  type  with  fancy  animal 

[  109  ] 


initials.  He  was  well  able  to  cope  with  the  constant  and  often  urgent 
demands  made  on  him,  particularly  by  Zwingli  who,  living  only  ten 
minutes'  walk  away,  was  able  to  bring  in  material  to  be  printed  at 
very  short  notice.  This  explains  the  references  in  letters  and  else- 
where to  instances  of  type  being  set  up  while  a  treatise  was  still  in- 
complete,^^  and  of  constant  pressure  to  hurry  out  a  challenge,  a 
refutation,  or  a  list  of  topics  for  debate. 

An  important  example  of  this  came  early  in  their  association. 
When,  at  the  beginning  of  1523,  the  Zurich  council  had  agreed  to  a 
public  debate  on  January  29,  on  the  whole  subject  of  the  relations  of 
Church  and  State,  the  meaning  of  the  Church,  and  freedom  to  teach 
the  Gospel,  Zwingli  produced  sixty-seven  theses  [Schlussreden)  for 
debate.  They  were  printed  by  Froschauer,  but  so  late  that  Fabri, 
there  to  defend  the  traditional  views  represented  by  the  episcopate, 
complained  most  reasonably  that  the  agenda  paper  for  such  an  im- 
portant gathering  was  in  his  hands,  hot  and  wet  from  the  printer, 
only  as  he  reached  the  Rathaus.^^  Later,  Zwingli  was  to  learn  to  al- 
low more  time,  but  consideration  for  opponents  whom  he  knew  to 
be  wrong  was  not  prominent  among  his  great  qualities. 

All  this  was  public  enough,  but  sometimes  the  Froschauer  press 
could  be  used  anonymously.  Thus,  in  November  1522,  Zwingli  had 
occasion  to  draw  attention  to  papal  belligerence,  particularly  in  Italy, 
to  which  he  was  opposed.  By  way  of  precaution  his  name  was  not 
revealed,  and  Froschauer  printed,  without  any  indication  that  Zurich 
was  the  place  of  origin,  "Points  to  Be  Considered  about  Proposals 
Made  by  Adrian  VI  to  the  Diet  of  Nuremberg. "^^  It  was  a  pacifist 
pamphlet  containing,  incidentally,  a  reference  to  Luther  as  "vir  sine 
controversia  pius  et  doctus"  and  culminating  in  an  appeal  to  the  Pope 
to  encourage  evangelical  preaching.  It  is  evidence  of  growing  con- 
fidence between  author  and  publisher,  and  with  the  appearance  in 
September  1522  of  the  sermon  "Of  the  clarity  and  certainty  of  God's 
Word"  ^3  Froschauer  was  fully  committed  as  the  Swiss  evangelical 
printer  par  excellence.^"*  More  and  more  the  two  men  devoted  their 
lives,  each  in  his  own  way,  to  evangelism.  Unlike  the  Amerbachs  and 
Froben,  Froschauer  was  no  great  scholar,  and  he  had  neither  their 
range  of  knowledge  nor  their  resources.  The  multivolume  editions  of 
the  Fathers  came  from  Basel,  not  Zurich.  But  Froschauer  printed 
carefully  and  well,  he  employed  scholarly  correctors  like  Ruland 

[  110  ] 


Muntprat,^^  and  he  learned  much  from  his  long  association  with  the 
best  brains  in  Zurich,  particularly  of  those  responsible  for  the  Bible 
translations.  It  was  his  piety  rather  than  his  classical  knowledge  that 
was  of  use  to  Zwingli,  but  he  did  not  fail  to  publish  editions  of 
Greek  authors  or  plays  when  occasion  arose.  He  was,  however,  well 
aware  that  the  taste  of  his  age  was  for  theology,  and  his  own  genuine 
love  of  the  Gospel  harmonized  with  his  interests.  Sales  of  Zwingli's 
writings  in  Frankfurt,  where  Froschauer  had  a  branch,  ^^  steadily 
grew.  He  was  as  happy  to  report  on  growing  demand  as  Zwingli 
was  to  welcome  it  and  meet  it.^^  Similarly,  he  reported  suggestions 
that  reached  him  in  or  from  Germany,  as,  for  example,  that  a  Ger- 
man translation  of  the  prophets  would  be  welcome,^^  a  suggestion  to 
which  Zwingli  responded  most  effectively. 

The  Swiss  reformers  were,  without  exception,  Biblicists:  their 
reiterated  appeal  was  to  the  text  of  Holy  Writ.  Both  Zwingli  and 
Luther  were  convinced  of  the  power  of  the  Word,  and  for  this  to  be 
preached  effectively  a  Bible  must  be  in  the  hands  of  every  minister. 
Luther  had  been  the  first  in  the  field  with  the  translation  of  the  New 
Testament  made  at  the  Wartburg  in  1522.  This  was  at  once  reprinted 
at  Basel  by  Adam  Petri,  and  other  editions  followed.  In  1524 
Froschauer,  helped  by  Hans  Hager,  began  his  own  reprints  with 
some  small  amendments  suggested  by  Zwingli  and  Pellican.^^  Later 
years  saw  further  variants,  and  between  1525  and  1529  the  Zurich 
"Prophezei"  worked  at  the  Hebrew  of  the  Old  Testament.^^  From 
this  came  Froschauer's  most  notable  achievement,  the  first  complete 
Zurich  Bible,  with  the  Apocrypha,  in  1529.  It  was  followed  by  an 
octavo  edition  of  688  pages  in  1530  and  an  elaborate  folio  with  Re- 
naissance ornament  in  1531.^^  Thus,  as  is  sometimes  forgotten,  the 
Zurich  complete  Bible  preceded  the  Lutheran  one.  The  expense  was 
considerable,  and  it  is  a  tribute  to  Froschauer's  business  acumen  that 
he  was  able  to  undertake  it.^^ 

From  1523  onwards  most  of  the  writings  which  now  fill  the 
fourteen  volumes  of  Zwingli's  collected  works  (still,  alas,  not  com- 
plete) first  came  to  public  notice  through  a  printer  who  was  prac- 
tically also  his  partner.  Many  were  printed  more  than  once,  and  the 
variants  are  always  interesting.  They  are  sometimes  enlarged  ser- 
mons, sometimes  advice  to  the  Zurich  council,  but  most  of  all 
controversy  with  Catholics,  Anabaptists,  and  Lutherans.  Needless  to 

[  111  ] 


say,  Zwingli  was  not  the  only  author  to  use  the  Froschauer  press. 

Unfortunately,  there  exists  only  a  relatively  small  number  of  let- 
ters that  passed  between  Zwingli  and  Froschauer.^^  Apart  from 
normal  accidents,  this  is  manifestly  because  frequent  meetings  be- 
tween them  made  correspondence  unnecessary.  How  much  more 
than  printer-publisher  Froschauer  was  is  apparent  from  the  use  that 
was  made  of  him  as  a  confidential  agent  between  Zurich,  Basel,  and 
Strassburg.  He  was  frequently  commissioned  to  buy  and  send  back 
books,24  and  he  not  only  carried  letters  but  also,  what  was  sometimes 
even  more  important,  conveyed  verbal  messages  with  them:  there 
was  no  postal  security  in  the  sixteenth  century !  Bucer,  Oecolampadius, 
Sam,  and  Capito  made  use  of  his  services,  and  his  reputation  for  reli- 
ability was  such  that  even  military  secrets  were  sometimes  entrusted 
to  him.25  It  was,  however,  his  work  as  printer  and  publisher  that 
most  mattered.  The  support  of  the  press  and  of  the  book  market  in 
general  was  invaluable  to  Zwingli,^^  for  example,  through  the 
spread  of  his  writings  to  the  cities  of  south  Germany — Ulm,  Mem- 
mingen,  Isny,  Lindau,  Constance,  Kempten,  Ravensburg,  Biberach 
— which  were  the  source  of  much  of  his  later  influence.  Froschauer 
also  contributed  a  valuable,  if  subordinate,  share  to  the  cooperation  of 
Basel,  Bern,  and  Zurich,  which  was  essential  for  the  safe  establish- 
ment of  the  Reformation  in  northern  Switzerland.  In  each  of  these 
city  states  it  was  within  the  power  of  the  government  to  control  the 
printing  that  went  on  within  the  city  walls.^^  Thus  in  Basel,  which 
remained  officially  Catholic  until  1529,  Oecolampadius  sometimes 
found  it  impossible  to  get  what  he  wanted  printed,  and  in  some  in- 
stances he  turned  to  Froschauer  for  support,  and  never  in  vain.^^  As 
late  as  May  1527  he  was  sending  a  piece  of  special  pleading  about  the 
Mass^^  to  be  printed  in  Zurich  and  then  to  be  shown  to  the  Basel 
council.  Litde  wonder  that  Oecolampadius  came  to  regard  Froschauer 
as  a  useful  ally  as  well  as  agent.^*^ 

Even  more  important  than  Basel  was  the  willing  cooperation  of 
Bern.  How  the  Reformation  came  slowly  and  ponderously  to  Bern 
is  a  separate  story,  but  Froschauer  and  the  Zurich  press  had  a  part  to 
play.  There  was  no  printing  press  in  Bern,  so  that  sympathizers  with 
Zwingli,  such  as  Berchtold  Haller  and  Nicholas  Manuel,  had  to  look 
elsewhere  for  the  dissemination  of  their  views.^^  The  most  notable 
use  of  the  Zurich  press  came  at  the  beginning  of  1528  when,  on  a 

[  112  ] 


cold  January  morning,  the  decisive  debates  and  sermons  were  staged 
in  the  Bern  Minster.^^ 

The  reformers  Haller  and  Kolb,  in  consultation  with  Zwingh,  had 
drawn  up  ten  points  for  debate  covering  the  whole  of  the  dispute 
with  the  Catholics.  Four  hundred  copies  of  these,  together  with  a 
supporting  commentary,  and  one  hundred  plain  texts,  were  sent  in 
November  1527  to  Froschauer  not  only  to  be  printed — he  charged 
26  Pfund  5  Schilling — but  also  to  be  made  available  in  Latin  and 
French.^^  When  the  disputation  was  over,  the  careful  and  accurate 
minutes  were  likewise  sent  to  Zurich  for  printing  and  distribution — 
234  numbered  pages  in  all — and  again  the  demand  exceeded  the  sup- 
ply. Froschauer  could  have  sold  more  at  Frankfurt.-^"*  It  was  all 
highly  gratifying. 

If  the  Bernese  patricians  moved  with  massive  caution,  Zwingli 
himself  was  all  too  frequently  a  man  in  a  hurry.  His  treatises  were 
often  written  at  high  pressure,  to  answer  an  opponent  or  to  catch  the 
right  moment  for  distribution.-^^  On  one  occasion,  he  allowed  him- 
self sufficient  space  and  time  in  order  to  answer  Luther's  "Bekenntnis 
vom  Abendmahl  Christi."^^  The  result  was  a  solid,  careful  treatise,  in 
which  every  point  was  fairly  treated.  It  was  issued  by  Froschauer 
with  a  frontispiece  showing  by  the  imperial  eagle  that  it  was  Ger- 
many that  was  being  addressed,  with  Justice  depicted  by  sword  and 
scales,  Truth  by  the  lighted  torch  and  open  book,  and  with  Mercy 
and  Fortitude  supporting  the  Christian  virtues  of  Faith,  Hope,  and 
Love.  Its  four  hundred  pages  illustrated,  too,  Froschauer's  devotion 
to  his  friend,  for  the  sales  never  repaid  the  initial  outlay.  Perhaps  it 
was  a  kind  of  compensation  that  Zwingli  took  Froschauer  (who  was 
very  much  out  of  his  depth  with  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Oecolampa- 
dius,  and  Bucer)  with  him  to  Marburg  in  September  1529.^^  Frosch- 
auer knew  the  road,  was  completely  reliable,  and,  without  taking 
any  part  in  the  doctrinal  discussions,  was  active  behind  the  scenes  in 
the  political  talks  that  were  a  main  reason  for  the  gathering.  They 
were  back  in  Zurich  on  October  19  and  Froschauer  had  the  Marburg 
articles  ready  in  print  on  October  24  for  Zwingli  to  use  in  the  pul- 
pit.-^^  He  also  issued  Zwingli's  striking  sermon  on  Predestination  for 
Philip  of  Hesse.39  Zwingli,  like  Luther,  was  not  allowed  to  attend 
the  Diet  of  Augsburg  (1530),  but  he  wrote,  and  Froschauer  issued, 
his  own  apologia,'*^  followed  by  a  convincing  answer  to  Eck'*^  which 

[  113  ] 


Froschauer  was  instructed  to  convey  personally  to  Capito  at  Strass- 
burg.'^^ 

The  last  words  from  Zwingli's  ever  active  pen  came  to  Christopher 
Froschauer.  The  printer  was  preparing  in  the  autumn  of  1531  a  New 
Year's  calendar  for  1532  to  hang  on  the  wall.  In  the  centre  he  placed 
the  coat  of  arms  of  Philip  of  Hesse  supported  by  those  of  Strassburg 
and  Constance,  Zurich  and  Bern,  alluding  to  the  Christian  Civic 
Union  that  Zwingli  had  worked  so  hard  to  bring  about.  For  this 
calendar  Zwingli  wrote  a  little  poem  which  he  took  personally  to  his 
printer  friend  on  October  7,  the  Saturday  before  his  own  death  in 
battle  on  October  11:  "You  lords  and  cities  of  the  Christian  citizen- 
ship gathered  together,  behold  two  things  that  will  keep  you  safe 
from  all  dangers.  First  know  what  God  has  given  to  you  and  next 
why  he  has  done  so.  .  .  ."'^-^ 

Froschauer  was  wise  enough  not  to  take  part  in  the  fatal  journey  to 
Kappel.  After  Zwingli's  death,  his  press  flourished;  he  made  his  own 
type  and  paper;  and  at  his  death  in  1545  the  works  of  Gesner,  the 
Chronicle  of  Stumpf,  the  first  complete  Opera  Huldrychi  Zwinglii, 
and  a  renowned  folio  Bible  were  a  testimony  to  the  success  that  he 
owed  so  largely  to  his  friend  and  adviser. 

NOTES 

1.  R.  Wackernagel,  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Basel  (Basel,  1907-24),  11,  2,  603-615.  K. 
Ohly,  E.  V.  Rath,  C.  Wehmer,  Deutsche  Biichdrtickcr  desfiiiijzehntenjahrhunderts 
(Wiesbaden,  1971),  pp.  18-86.  C.  W.  Heckethorn,  The  Printers  of  Basle  in  the 
XV.  and  XVI.  Centuries  (London,  1897).  A.  Fluri,  Die  Beziehungen  Berns  zu 
den  Buchdruckern  in  Basel,  Zilrich  undGenf,  1476-1336  (Bern,  1913),  Beitragezur 
Geschichte  des  Buchdrucks  in  der  Schweiz,  Beilage  zumjahresbericht  1912  der 
Schweizer  Gutenbergstube,  partly  reprinted  from  Archiv  fiir  Geschichte  des 
Deutschen  Buchhandels,  hrsg.  v.  d.  Historischen  Commission  des  Borsenvereins 
der  deutschen  Buchhandler,  xix  (Leipzig,  1897),  8-30. 

2.  Wackernagel,  11,  2,  605-607.  P.  S.  Allen,  Erasmus:  Lectures  and  Wayfaring 
Sketches  (Oxford,  1934),  pp.  126-137.  P.  Ochs,  Geschichte  der  Stadt  und  Land- 
schaft  Basel,  Bd.  v  (Basel,  1821),  393,  394. 

3.  L.  Febvre  et  H.-J.  Martin,  V apparition  du  livre  (Paris,  1958),  pp.  173-175- 

4.  W.  Kohler,  Huldrych  Zwingli  (Leipzig,  1943),  pp.  30-32;  Huldrych  Zivinglis 
Bihliothek,  84.  Neujahrsblatt  zum  Besten  des  Waisenhauses  in  Zurich  fiir  1921 
(Zurich,  1921). 

5.  E.  C.  Rudolphi,  Die  Buchdrucker-Familie  Froschauer  in  Ziirich,  1321-1595  (Zu- 

[  114   ] 


rich,  1^69);  Historisch-biographisches Lexicon  der  Schweiz  (Neuenberg,  1921-34), 
Bd.  3,  348;  P.  Leemann-van  Elck,  Zur  Ziircher  Druckgeschichte,  Bibliothek  der 
Schweizer  Bibliophilen,  11,  3  (Bern,  1934);  Leemann,  Der  Ziircher  Drucker 
Christoph  Froschauer,  Festschrift  der  Schweizer  BibUophilen  Gesellschaft  (Bern, 
1931);  Leemann,  Die  Offizin  Froschauer:  Ziirichs  heriihtnte  Druckerei  im  16. 
Jahrhundert,  Mitteilungen  der  Antiquarischen  Gesellschaft  in  Zurich,  Bd.  33 
(Zurich,  1940);  A.  Largiader,  Geschichte  von  Stadt  und  Landschaft  Ziirich  (Zu- 
rich, 1945),  I,  298;  J.  Staedtkc,  Christoph  Froschauer,  der  Begriinder  des  Ziircher 
Buchwesens.  Zum  Gedenken  seines  400.  Todestages  (Zurich,  1964);  Staedtke, 
Anfdnge  und  erste  Bliitezeit  des  Ziircher  Buchdntcks  (Zurich,  1965). 

6.  They  included  a  German  translation  o£  Querela  pads  and  the  Paraphrases  of  the 
PauHne  Epistles  (Des.  Erasmi  Rot.  in  epistolas  apostolicas  paraphrasis).  Kohler, 
Zwingli,  p.  56.  Johann  Stumpf  believed  wrongly  that  Zwingli  had  established 
the  press:  "Er  hatt  anfencklich  ein  truckery  zu  Zurich  durch  besonderen  flyss 
Christoffel  Froschowers,  eynes  burgers  und  truckers,  uffgebracht."  Johannes 
Stumpfs  Schweizer-  und  Reformationschronik,  I  Teil,  hrsg.  v.  E.  Gagliardi,  H. 
Miiller,  u.  F.  Biisser  (Basel,  1952),  p.  149. 

7.  E.  Egli,  Actensammlung  zur  Geschichte  der  Ziircher  Reformation  (Zurich,  1879), 
pp.  72-77,  94,  101  (nos.  233-236,  269,  284). 

8.  Huldreich  Zivinglis  sdmtliche  Werke,  unter  Mitwirkung  des  ZwingU-Vereins 
hrsg.  V.  E.  Egh  (and  others),  Bd.  i  ([BerUn,  1905],  Corpus  Reformatorum, 
Lxxxvm),  74,  [88]-i36  [hereafter  cited  as  Z].  Zwingli's  letter  to  Fabricius  on 
the  same  subject  is  translated  in  Ulrich  Zwingli  (1484-1531):  Selected  Works,  ed. 
S.  M.Jackson,  introduction  by  E.  Peters  (Philadelphia,  1972),  pp.  9-24.  Cf.  S. 
M.Jackson,  Huldreich  Zwingli,  the  Reformer  of  German  Switzerland,  1484-1531 
(New  York,  1901),  pp.  404-451. 

9.  A.  Corrodi-Sulzer,  Orell  Fiissli,  ein  Riickblick  auf  vier  Jahrhunderte  (Zurich, 
1928). 

10.  Z,  vm,  658,  753. 

11.  L.  Helbling,  Dr.  Johann  Fahri,  Generalvikar  von  Konstanz  und  Bischofvon  Wien, 
1478-1541  (Miinster,  1941).  Z,  i,  548-549,  n.  5. 

12.  "Suggestio  dehberandi  super  propositione  Hadriani  Nerobergae  facta."  Z,  i, 
429-441.  Nothing  came  of  this  Diet,  but  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  almost  all 
the  future  correspondence  between  Zwingli  and  Nuremberg  was  carried 
through  Froschauer.  W.  Kohler,  Zwingli  und  Luther  (Leipzig,  1924-52),  i,  230. 

13.  Von  Klarheit  und  Geivissheit  des  Wortes  Gottes.  Z,  i,  328,  [338]-384.  It  was  well 
printed,  and  it  was  a  particularly  telhng  piece  of  evangehzation. 

14.  There  was  another  printer  available,  Hans  Hager,  with  whom  Froschauer 
sometimes  worked,  but  little  is  known  of  him. 

15.  Z,  X,  202. 

16.  Zwingliana,  i,  148. 

17.  Z,  vin,  717. 

18.  Kohler,  Zwingli  und  Luther,  i,  454. 

19.  Z,  I,  562,  n.  2;  A.  Fluri,  Luthers  Uhersetzung  des  N.  T.  und  ihre  Nachdrucke  in 
Basel  und  Ziirich  (Zurich,  1922). 

["5] 


20.  Z,  I,  562,  n.  2;  Z,  XIII,  289-290. 

21.  The  title  page  inevitably  depicted  the  Creation  and  the  Fall:  Holbein  designed 
118  woodcuts  for  the  Old  Testament  and  21  for  the  New.  J.  J.  Mezger, 
Geschichte  der  deutschen  Bibeliibersctzimgen  in  der  schiveizerisch-reforinirten  Kirche 
(Basel,  1876);  E.  EgH,  Die  Ziircher  Bihel,  Ziircher  Taschenbuch  (Zurich,  1895), 
pp.  38fF.;  J.  C.  Gasser,  Vicrlumdert  Jahre  Zwingli-Bibel,  1^24-1924  (Zurich, 
1924);  W.  Hadorn,  Die  deutsche  Bihel  in  der  Schweiz  (Leipzig,  1925),  pp.  31-59; 
P.  Leemann-van  Elck,  Die  Bibelsammhwg  im  Grossmiinster  zu  Zurich  (Zurich, 

1945). 

22.  His  more  elaborate  Bibles  appeared  after  Zwingh's  death  and  are  linguistically 
important.  In  1535  he  was,  apparently,  responsible  for  Coverdale's  Enghsh 
Bible,  but  this  is  a  matter  of  controversy.  L.  A.  Sheppard,  "The  Printers  of  the 
Coverdale  Bible,  1535,"  The  Library,  4th  series,  16  (1935),  280-289,  favouring 
Marburg;  S.  L.  Greenslade  in  The  Cambridge  History  of  the  Bible,  m  (Cam- 
bridge, 1963),  148,  supporting  Soter  and  Cervicorn  of  Cologne. 

23.  There  are  sixty-six  "mentions"  in  the  consolidated  index  to  the  Letters.  Z,  xi, 

693- 

24.  He  tried  in  vain  to  find  a  copy  of  Sallust's  De  coniuratione  Catilinae  for  Zwingh 
in  1529,  but  one  was  secured  in  Basel  by  Jerome  Gunz  (Guntius)  and  remained 
in  Zwingli's  library.  Zivingliana,  i,  401-7;  Kohlcr,  Huldrych  Zwinglis  Bihlio- 
tliek,  33  (no.  285).  For  Paul  Rasdorfer  of  Riiti,  minister  at  Betschwanden,  he 
had  a  blank  cheque  to  purchase  books"so  far  as  the  money  permits"  (Z,x,  129). 

25.  Z,  XI,  180:  "Froschower  de  militibus  expeditis  omnia  referre  poterit."  Cf.  Z, 
IX,  93;  X,  197,  203,  501,  525,  560,  n.  1,  567;  also  Z,  x,  11,  71,  83,  129,  540 
("rehqua  narrabit  Christophorus"),  590;  Z,  xi,  176-177,  180. 

26.  Kohler,  Zwingli  und  Luther,  i,  454. 

27.  Through  a  committee  of  the  council  Zwingh  was  able  to  prevent  pro-CathoHc 
hterature  from  being  printed  in  Zurich.  Am  Griit,  for  example,  found  it  im- 
possible to  get  an  anti-Lutheran  treatise  reproduced  there.  Z,  ix.  539;  Z,  i,  448. 

28.  Z,  vin,  753  (October  19,  1526).  Similarly,  Cratander  had  to  turn  to  Strass- 
burg  for  help  in  the  production  of  evangelical  writing.  Z,  vm,  508. 

29.  Z,  IX,  290,  n.  2:  "Ein  christhche  Antwort  der  Prediger  des  Evangeliums  zu 
Basel.  Warumb  sy  die  Mess  einen  Greuel  gescholten  habind." 

30.  Z,  XI,  177. 

31.  Z,  IX,  290,  304,  306,  n.  7. 

32.  R.  Feller,  Geschichte  Berns,  11  (Bern,  1954),  158-164. 

33.  Z,  DC,  306,  n.  7;  320,  n.  15;  A.  Fluri,  Die  Beziehungen  Berns,  pp.  8-11,  32. 

34.  Z,  IX,  380,405. 

35.  Z,  II,  553 .  He  said  he  had  had  quite  inadequate  time  to  compose  De  vera  et falsa 
religione  cowmcntarius  (Z,  iii,  590,  [628]-9ii),  a  fundamental  condemnation  of 
Rome  and  the  Papacy.  His  analysis  of  the  Mass,  De  canone  missae  epichiresis  (Z, 
II.  552,  [556]-6o8),  would  have  been  even  better  had  it  not  been  written  in 
response  to  urgent  demands. 

36.  Kohler,  Zwingli  und  Luther,  i,  573,  648. 

37.  Kohler,  Zwingli  und  Luther,  11,  63. 

[  116   ] 


38.  Z,  VI,  ii,  510,  [52i]-523;  cf.  547;  Kohler,  Zwingli  mid  Luther,  11,  151. 

39.  Z,  XI,  97.  "Ad  illustrissimum  Cattorum  principem  Philippum  sermonis  De 
providentia  dei  anamnema."  Huldrcich  Zwinglis  Werke.  Erste  vollstandige 
Ausgabe  durch  M.  Schuler  u.  J.  Schulthess  (Zurich,  1828-42),  iv,  79-144. 

40.  "Ad  Carolum,  Romanorum  imperatorem,  Germaniae  comitia  Augustae  cele- 
brantem,  fidei  Huldrychi  Zuinglii  ratio."  Z,  vi,  ii,  753,  [79o]-83i.  German  and 
English  translations  followed  speedily.  Cf.  Zivingliana,  v  (1933),  242fF. 

41.  "Ad  illustrissimos  Germaniae  principes,  Augustae  congregates,  de  convitiis 
Eccii  epistola." 

42.  Z,  XI,  99. 

43.  Kohler,  Zwingli,  243;  Das  Buck  der  Reformation  Huldrych  Zwinglis  (Munich, 
1926),  351. 


[  117  ] 


The  Printer  of  Ockam 

DENNIS  E.  RHODES 


THE  "Printer  o£  Ockam"  is  one  of  the  many  presses  of  the 
fifteenth  century  with  the  operation  of  which  no  person  known 
to  us  by  name  can  be  associated.  In  this  case  all  we  know  for  certain 
is  that  this  press  worked  in  Paris  in  July  and  August  1476  (probably 
longer),  producing  not  more  than  five  books  altogether  that  can  be 
identified.  The  rarity  of  these  books  is  attested  by  the  fact  that  in 
1949  the  British  Museum  possessed  no  example  of  them,  and  the 
French  volume  of  the  B.M.C.  was  forced  to  admit:  "The  Museum 
collection  possesses  no  specimen  of  the  work  of  the  press  which  pro- 
duced an  edition  of  Ockam,  Dialogi,  completed  'Parisius'  5  July, 
1476  (Hain-Copinger  11937),  of  Panormitanus,  Ordo  iudiciarius,  in 
the  following  month  (Claudin,  Histoire,  tom.  ii,  p.  554),  and  of 
Aristotle,  Secreta  secretorum,  'sinenota'  (Proctor  •j'79i6)."^  In  1963, 
however,  the  Museum  was  lucky  enough  to  acquire  a  copy  of  the 
Panormitanus  (now  IB,  39273);  and  the  total  number  of  books 
printed  by  this  press,  thought  by  B.M.C.  twenty-five  years  ago  to  be 
three,  is  now  raised  to  five.  The  main  purpose  of  this  article  is  to  dis- 
cuss each  of  these  five  books,  and  in  particular  to  stress  the  rather 
surprisingly  high  proportion  of  them  which  my  recent  cataloguing 
of  the  incunabula  at  Oxford  University  has  revealed.  It  is  emphasized 
at  the  same  time  that  I  have  not  been  able  to  extend  my  personal 
researches  to  France  itself,  and  that  the  consultation  of  the  new  re- 
print of  the  Pellechet-Polain  catalogue  of  incunabula  in  French  li- 
braries is  extremely  difficult,  not  to  say  frustrating.  Many  of  its 
manuscript  entries  are  unfinished,  and  most  are  virtually  illegible. 

I  will  consider  first  the  two  dated  books. 

The  book  which  gives  its  name  to  the  press  is  the  Dialogi  of  Wil- 
liam of  Ockam  of  July  5,  1476,  a  folio  of  (it  is  believed,  although  an 
exact  collation  is  extremely  difficult  to  work  out)  526  leaves,  un- 
signed. Copies  of  this  book  are  recorded  as  follows: 

1.  Paris,  Bibliotheque  Nationale. 

2.  Paris,  Bibliotheque  de  I'Arsenal. 

3 .  Paris,  Bibliotheque  Mazarine. 

[118  ] 


(B^.-V^:;  i?^-  ,11.  >.../^M^-.;.    , 

S'ermoni's  mozaliffinii atqj  .id  popiilu  inltnif 
du  vtiliffimi  fupzj  cujc;clij  ^omlnIo^ru  totius 
anni  incipiuntfeliciter* 
DiiJM  puma  aduetus  t>ru  et  i  ramie  palnmru  fcrmo  pzirrtQ 
Jcitc  filie  fyon  ecce  roc  tiius  vcnit  tibi  man  ^ 
fuctus  fedens  fupcr  af/nam  2c.matb.txi*  vcr 
^  ha  ifta  fumpta  funt  in  jacbai  la  p:opbeta.  qi 

jacba.iic.  fimiliter  ^ICltur.  Giculta  fatisfil/a  ^ 
iheruraiem/iiibila  filw  fyon.'eccc  rcc  tuuB  ve 
nit  2C»ct  icgutur  ifta  verba  fiue  iftud  cuangcliu  in  Jwiab?  5o 
mmicis.in  piima  ^ominica  adutntua  ^nI<ct  in  ticminica  in 
ramis  palmaru.In  {tomiuica  in  ramis  palmarfi  legitur.qz 
conuenit  iHi  5ominice)quoad  fcnfum  ct  factQ  byftozicum. 
In  puma  &ominica  aduetus  Dfiuquia  coiicnit  il 'i  J)ominice 
quoadfenfumctfactu  allegozicQ.  qiaUcgoiiccpcraductu 
rbiifti  in  ibcrufalu'rignificat'aducrus  cbiHi  in  carnoap- 
pzopinquauit  Crie  fpualitcr  ibcrofolimis/quado  pio  carnif 
affumptronc  in  qua  pacis  e  vifio  vifitauit  ct  ilia  fibi  re cofi^ ' 
liauit.Dicit  eigO'&icitc fihc fyon 2C.  In  iftis  verbis  tria  no 
tanda  funt.  pimiu  eft  quid  per  filia  fyon  f  ignificatur; 
Secundu  eft  quis  c  ille  rc;cyce  quomo  appt  l|jtur»  Ter 
tiu  eft  quomo  iftc  rcr  vcnit  ct  ad  quid  venire  §!.  pzimum 
notaturcu?)lCIt.^lCltefl^!e  fyon.  ScSmcii  ^IClt  ecce  roc  tu 
us.  Tertiucu&icit.venitf  pzimum  eft  viderc  quid  per 
ifta  filia  fyon  fignifirat**  per  ifta  f ilia  fyon  figmficatur 
-  quclibjfidelisaia.qjfyoninterpietaturfpcculu.etquclilj 
aia  fidclis  f ilia  e  icfu  cbzifti.'  qui  eft  fpeculfi  fmc  macula)  ct 
cado:  Iuck  etcrne.  ficut  babet^fjp.vii.  vel  filia  fyon  6;  aia 
f  idelis«q2  in  ipfa  tan$  in  fpeculo  re lucet  ymago  Dei  ad  cui9 
ymaginc  facta  c.gen.i.cTcauit  5>cus  bcmmc  ad  ymaqincm 
ic.vcre  in  qualibj  aia  (idcli  relucet  ymago  {icitjq'  in  fpecu 
lo.'maxime  qn  eft  nmda  ab  omni  pcccato  moitjli.fj  qua^o 
eft  in  pcccato  moztaU  Ccnigrata  c  fupcr  carboncs .  vfi  trc^ 
no:?  iiii«ca.&K.£ur  l)c  peccat02ib9.?)enigrara  c  facicscoium 
luper  carbones/ct  non  funt  cogniti  in  pfateis.et  trcnciun. 
?)icitur.Egrcfrus  eft  omnis  ?»cco2  a  filia  fyon/et  lu  pfal.  vc 

az 


de  Haqueville.  Sermoncs  luoralissiwi.  [Paris,  The  Printer  of  Ockam,  not  before  1477.]  Signature 
a2.  Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford. 


4.  A  very  imperfect  copy  bought  by  the  Bodleian  Library,  Ox- 
ford, in  1965. 

5.  A  very  imperfect  copy  at  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 

6.  An  imperfect  copy  at  Yale  University  Library.  This  is  GofFo-8, 
which  is  not,  however,  indexed  under  Eponymous  presses,  Ockam. 
References:  Hain-Copinger  11937;  Claudin,  11,  366-367;  Pellechet- 
Polain  (ms.  entry)  8619. 

7.  Toulouse,  B.  Mun.  (see  note  in  Copinger). 

The  second  dated  book  is  Nicolaus  Panormitanus,  Processus  judi- 
ciarius,  August  1476,  a  folio  of  sixty  leaves.  It  is  really  the  work  of 
Johannes  de  Auerbach,  and  so  it  has  a  brief  description  in  the  Gesamt- 
katalog  (GW.  2841),  where  copies  are  recorded  at  Brieg  Gymnasium 
and  Kassel  LandesbibHothek.  There  is  also  a  copy  at  Paris,  Biblio- 
theque  Nationale  (Claudin,  11,  367),  and  a  fourth  copy  was  acquired 
some  ten  years  ago  by  the  British  Museum.^  This  edition  is  stated  by 
G  H^  to  be  a  page-for-page  reprint  of  the  edition  of  Johannes  de 
Westfalia,  Louvain,  1475  (Proctor  f92i4). 

We  now  come  to  the  undated  books.  It  is  not  possible  to  say  in 
which  order  they  were  printed,  but  there  will  be  something  to  say 
later  about  the  presence  or  absence  in  these  books  of  printed  signatures. 

Firstly  there  is  Aristotle,  Secreta  secretorum,  described  by  the  GW 
(no.  2486)  and  there  dated  "circa  1480,"  which  should  probably  be 
corrected  to  "circa  1477."  This  quarto  (the  first  two  books  were 
folios)  has  sixty-eight  leaves,  of  which  the  first  two  quires,  [a  b^],  are 
unsigned  and  the  rest,  c-f^  g  h^^,  are  signed.  Copies  of  this  book  are 
at  the  Bodleian  Library  and  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  only.  The 
fourth  book  which  I  attribute  to  this  press  has  caused  much  trouble 
both  by  reason  of  its  confused  authorship  and  of  the  attribution  of  its 
types.  It  is  an  edition  of  De  modo  corifitendi,  ascribed  in  the  book  itself 
to  Saint  Bonaventura,  but  not  mentioned  under  his  heading  in  the 
Gesamtkatalog;  in  fact  it  is  the  work  of  Matthaeus  de  Cracovia.  A 
copy  is  in  the  Library  of  Congress  (Goff  M-372)  and  one  more  copy  is 
in  a  private  collection  in  America.  But  although  Madsen^  ascribes 
this  book  to  the  Printer  of  Ockam,  the  Gesamtkatalog,  followed  by 
Goff,  has  reassigned  it  to  the  rare  press  of  Johannes  de  la  Tour  and 
Johannes  Morelli  at  Angers  about  1478.  Thus  the  only  book  printed 
by  the  Printer  of  Ockam  as  recorded  in  America  up  to  the  year  of 
GofF's  Third  Census  (1964)  was  the  Dialogi  of  William  of  Ockam 

[  119  ] 


himself.  However,  as  the  Library  of  Congress  assures  me,"*  the  type  of 
the  Matthaeus  de  Cracovia  measures  97  mm.,  which  is  the  correct 
and  only  measurement  of  type  for  the  Printer  of  Ockam  and  is  not  cor- 
rect for  a  press  at  Angers;  and  thus  it  seems  that  the  St.  Bonaventura- 
Matthaeus  de  Cracovia  book  must  go  back  to  Paris  as  a  product  of 
the  Printer  of  Ockam.  The  undoubted  connection  between  the 
Printer  of  Ockam  and  Angers  will  be  noticed  later. 

Fifthly,  we  have  the  most  interesting  text  printed  by  the  Printer  of 
Ockam,  because  it  is  the  least  known  and  has  never  been  properly 
described.  This  is  the  Sermones  moralissimi  of  a  preacher  named  de 
Haqueville  (first  name  unrecorded),  revised  by  Jean  Quentin.  This 
book  was  partially  described  by  Pellechet-Polain  (no.  9921),  but  the 
description  was  never  completed  and  no  location  was  given.  How- 
ever, we  now  know  that  there  is  at  least  one  copy  in  France — in  the 
Bibliotheque  Municipale  at  Caen.^  The  amazing  coincidence  is  that 
not  one  but  two  copies  of  this  exceedingly  rare  book  have  come  to 
light  in  Oxford:  one  at  Jesus  College,  forming  part  of  the  library 
left  to  the  college  by  Edward  Herbert,  Baron  Cherbury,  in  1648;  and 
one  at  Christ  Church,  which  bears  the  notes  of  ownership  of  several 
English  or  Welsh  clergymen  from  the  early  sixteenth  century.  Both 
copies  probably  came  from  France  to  England  about  1500.  The 
description  of  the  book  is  as  follows:  Folio.  188  leaves,  the  first  and 
last  blank.  Sig.  a-1^0m^;aa-ggi°.  Thirty-six  lines  to  a  page.  Type: 
97  GR.  The  presence  of  printed  signatures  throughout  suggests  that 
this  book  was  printed  not  before  1477.  Claudin  believed  that  sig- 
natures were  first  used  in  Paris  only  at  the  beginning  of  1477,^  but 
this  is  not  quite  true,  for  there  is  other  evidence  available  in  B.M.C. 
Opus  restitutionum  usurarum  excommunicatiomim  of  Franciscus  de  Platea, 
January  4,  1476/7  (B.M.C,  viii,  8),  printed  at  the  Sorbonne  by 
Michael  Friburger,  Ulrich  Gering,  and  Martin  Crantz,  has  signa- 
tures, and  B.M.C.  remarks:  "The  date  1476/7  assigned  to  this  book 
by  Proctor  has  been  retained,  as  the  printers  here  appear  to  be  ex- 
perimenting with  the  use  of  printed  signatures  in  the  same  way  as  in 
the  Bible  .  .  .  which  cannot  be  earlier  than  the  second  half  of  1476." 
Then  there  are  partial  and  sporadic  signatures  in  the  Maiiipulus 
curatorum  of  Au  Soufflet  Vert,  May  25,  1476  (B.M.C,  viii,  17).  Thus 
one  may  say  that  the  use  of  printed  signatures  in  Paris  was  known  in 
1476,  but  was  not  general  until  1477;  and  as  the  Sermones  of  de 

[  120  ] 


Haqueville  has  full  signatures,  perhaps  it  was  not  printed  until  well 
into  1477  or  even  1478. 

Nothing  seems  to  be  known  about  the  author,  de  Haqueville,  but 
the  editor,  Jean  Quentin,  is  also  recorded  as  the  author  o£  VOrologe 
de  devocion  and  Examen  de  conscience,  both  printed  at  Paris  about  1500 
(see  GofFq-iS),  and  as  editor  of  one  or  two  other  religious  booksJ 
He  was  a  Doctor  of  Theology  and  "penitencier"  of  Paris.  A  number 
of  editions  of  de  Haqueville  are  reported  by  Pellechet-Polain,  but  it  is 
impossible  to  say  exactly  how  many,  because  they  are  so  badly  de- 
scribed. There  are  nos.  5705-5708,  at  least  two  of  which  were  printed 
at  Lyons;  then  there  is  no.  9917  which  seems  to  be  the  same  as  5707; 
and  finally  nos.  9918-9921. 

It  is  now  time  to  look  at  the  type  used  by  the  Printer  of  Ockam, 
which,  as  we  have  already  seen,  measures  97  min.  for  twenty  lines 
and  is  a  mixture  of  roman  and  gothic.  The  press  comes  fifth  in 
chronological  order  among  the  presses  of  Paris,  where  printing  be- 
gan in  1470.  The  type  of  the  Printer  of  Ockam  is  a  smaller  version  of 
one  found  in  the  possession  of  two  earlier  Paris  presses,  that  of  Petrus 
Caesaris  and  Johannes  Stol  and  the  anonymous  Au  Soufflet  Vert. 
The  type  of  Caesaris  and  Stol  measures  no  gr,  while  that  of  the 
Soufflet  Vert  measures  107  gr;  but  there  is  such  a  similarity  of  style 
among  the  three  as  to  suggest  a  common  typefounder.  Indeed  the 
anonymous  writer  in  the  British  Museum  Quarterly  of  1964  (who  may 
well  have  been  George  D.  Painter)  made  a  revealing  and  brilliant 
suggestion,  which  he  carefully  emphasized  was  and  is  only  a  sug- 
gestion: he  noticed  that  the  Panormitanus  newly  acquired  by  the 
British  Museum,  which  is  bound  after  a  copy  of  the  same  author's 
Super  Clemcntinis  constitutionihus  printed  by  Caesaris  and  Stol  in 
1475,  has  an  early  manuscript  signature  "mi"  following  on  the 
quiring  of  the  first  piece;  and  so  it  appears  that  both  works  were 
together  in  time  to  be  rubricated  or  bound,  though  not  necessarily 
products  of  the  same  press.  There  was  probably  some  connection 
between  the  two  presses.  More  than  this  we  cannot  say. 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  there  is  some  connection,  too, 
with  early  printing  at  Angers,  but  what  this  connection  was  is  en- 
tirely obscure.  Claudin  may  be  going  too  far  when  he  says  that  the 
material  of  the  Ockam  printer  "passe  en  partie  a  Angers  I'annee 
suivante  [i.e.,  1477]  chez  de  La  Tour  et  Morel,  "^  and  that  the  Seer  eta 

[  121  ] 


Aristotelis  and  the  Tractatus  utilis  de  confessione,  being  printed  as  he 
says  in  "very  tired"  types,  with  different  inkings,  badly  justified  hnes, 
and  other  irregularities,  were  printed  later  and  possibly  even  in 
Angers  itself.^  It  seems  better  to  assume  that  all  five  books  belong  to 
the  Paris  press.  B.M.C.,  in  describing  the  type  of  the  first  Angers 
press,  declares  it  to  be  an  "obvious  imitation  of  certain  early  Parisian 
founts,  especially  those  used  in  the  office  of  the  SoufBet  Vert  in  and 
after  1475  and  by  the  Printer  of  Ockam's  Dialogi  of  1476.  .  .  .  We 
may  therefore  confidently  infer  that  the  Angers  press  was  a  direct 
offshoot  from  one  or  other  of  these  Parisian  concerns. "^"^ 

Then  the  doubtful  Angers  type  79  gr  "shares  the  roman  capitals 
with  the  type  of  Tardif . . .  and  De  Haqueville,  Sermones  dominicales 
(the  only  recorded  copy  of  which  formerly  belonged  to  a  religious 
house  at  Duretal,  near  Angers. )"^^  Thus  there  is  not  only  a  definite 
connection  in  types  between  the  Printer  of  Angers  and  the  slightly 
earlier  Printer  of  Ockam  at  Paris,  but  here  we  have  proof  that  both 
presses  printed  an  edition  of  so  rare  an  author  as  de  Haqueville.  The 
connection  is  certainly  no  imaginary  one;  but  we  have  too  little 
evidence  on  which  to  build  the  true  history  of  these  typographical 
events. 

In  the  meantime  it  is  gratifying  that  four  out  of  five  of  the  very 
rare  products  of  this  anonymous  early  Paris  press  are  available  for 
study  in  British  libraries. ^^ 


NOTES 

1.  B.M.C.,  viii  (1949),  p.  xxii. 

2.  See  "Notable  Acquisitions  of  Printed  Books  1963-4,"  British  Museum  Quar- 
terly, xxxi  (1966),  43-44. 

3.  Katalog  over  det  Kongelige  Biblioteks  Inkunabler  (Copenhagen,  1935-63),  no. 
2700. 

4.  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  William  Matheson,  Chief  of  the  Rare  Book  Division, 
Library  of  Congress,  for  his  prompt  answer  to  my  enquiry  of  October  1, 1973. 

5.  Thanks  are  due  to  Mme  Jeanne  Veyrin-Forrer  for  this  information. 

6.  A.  Claudin,  Histoire  de  I'iinprimerie  en  France  au  XV^  et  an  XVI^  sieck,  u 
(Paris,  1901),  368. 

7.  Jean  Quentin  must  have  been  born  about  1440,  if  he  began  pubUshing  about 
1476.  A  defmite  date  that  can  be  attached  to  his  name  is  October  23,  1490, 


[   122    ] 


when  his  edition  of  St.  Bonaventura's  Stinnilus  amoris  was  printed  at  Paris  by 
Georg  Mittellius  (British  Museum,  lA.  40046).  Yet  he  has  been  horribly  con- 
fused in  the  general  catalogue  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris,  with  an- 
other Jean  Quentin,  canonist,  who  was  born  at  Autun  in  1500  and  died  in 
Paris  in  1561  (see  Larousse).  The  later  man,  priest  and  professor  of  canon  law 
at  Paris  after  travelling  in  the  Levant,  generally  had  the  epithet  "Haeduus," 
deriving  from  the  Aedui  or  Haedui,  the  tribe  who  lived  in  that  part  of  France 
where  he  was  bom.  But  he  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  Jean  Quentin  of  the 
"Printer  of  Ockam"  press. 

8.  Claudin,  11,  554. 

9.  Claudin,  n,  371. 

10.  B.M.C.,  viii,  p.  Ixxiv. 

11.  B.M.C.,  viii,  p.  362.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  where  the  late  Dr. 
Victor  Scholderer  obtained  this  piece  of  exceedingly  recondite  information 
about  a  rehgious  house  near  Angers,  but  unhappily  it  is  not  possible. 

12.  For  a  general  account  of  this  press  see  Claudin,  op  cit.,  11,  366-371.  Claudin  does 
not  say  where  there  is  a  copy  of  the  Bonaventura,  Tradatus  de  confessione,  but  he 
must  have  seen  one,  since  he  gives  facsimiles  of  it.  In  fact  it  is  the  edition  which 
the  Bibhotheque  Nationale  wrongly  ascribes  to  Caesaris  and  Stol  about  1476 
(Reserve  D.  6600).  For  further  notes  on  the  types  and  the  Angers  press,  see  also 
Claudin,  n,  554. 


[  123    ] 


Notes  on  Some  Printing-House  Practices 
in  the  Sixteenth  Century 


M.  A.  SHAABER 


IN  The  Library  for  March  1966  (5  ser.,  xxi,  1-45)  Mr.  R.  A.  Sayce 
published  a  study  of  "Compositorial  Practices  and  the  LocaHza- 
tion  of  Printed  Books,  1530-1800."  His  object  was  "to  suggest 
methods  of  placing  and  dating  printed  books  which  do  not  depend 
on  a  specialized  knowledge  of  the  history  of  printing,"  and  he  sought 
them  in  certain  practices  followed  by  printers  in  making  up  their 
books,  I  have  recently  had  the  opportunity  to  examine  a  considerable 
number  of  early  printed  books  and  have  thus  accumulated  some 
notes  on  many  of  the  practices  which  he  discusses.  I  summarize  them 
here  for  comparison  with  his  conclusions.  It  will  therefore  be  con- 
venient, so  far  as  possible,  to  present  these  data  in  the  same  order  as 
Mr.  Sayce's,  though  on  some  topics  he  treats,  e.g.,  "Signature  enu- 
meration," I  have  no  information. 

If  my  observations  do  not  always  agree  precisely  with  Mr.  Sayce's, 
the  reason  must  be  differences  in  the  samples  used.  His  range  is  al- 
most three  centuries;  my  data  are  drawn  exclusively  from  sixteenth- 
century  books.  Mine  is  a  random  sample,  i.e.,  those  books  which 
were  available  to  me  for  inspection,  and  may  not  be  representative  of 
all  sixteenth-century  books;  Mr.  Sayce's  is  drawn  from  a  number  of 
collections,  but  the  basis  of  the  selection  I  do  not  know.  In  his  sample 
French  and  Dutch  books  are  preponderant.  In  mine  there  are  com- 
paratively few  Dutch  and  English  books,  more  Italian  and  German 
than  French,  more  from  Basel  than  from  Geneva.  If  the  books  in  his 
sample  were  evenly  distributed  over  the  span  of  years  covered  (as  is 
not  very  likely),  he  must  have  examined  about  700  sixteenth-century 
books;  my  sample  is  about  five  times  as  large.  Since  both  samples 
take  account  of  only  a  small  fraction  of  all  the  books  printed  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  there  may  be  little  overlapping;  if  so,  all  the  bet- 
ter, since  thus  we  come  a  little  closer  to  a  comprehensive  survey  of 
some  sixteenth-century  printing  practices. 

[  124  ] 


PRELIMINARY   SIGNATURES 


The  asterisk.  Mr.  Sayce's  statement  that  the  asterisk  "may  suggest 
Dutch  or  Antwerp  origin"  must  be  based  on  seventeenth-  and 
eighteenth-century  practice,  for  in  the  sixteenth,  as  indeed  his  ex- 
tended remarks  imply,  it  was  used  in  many  places.  Of  more  than  500 
examples,  roughly  60%  are  Italian,  mostly  of  course  Venetian,  the 
earliest  dated  1514.  Of  the  remainder,  about  10%  are  French  (at 
Lyons  from  1532,  Paris  from  1545);  almost  as  many  are  German  (at 
Cologne  from  1532,  Frankfurt  from  1534,  Wittenberg  from  1537, 
Leipzig  from  1556 — there  is  only  one  Strassburg  example,  in  1567, 
and  none  from  Augsburg);  and  almost  as  many  are  Swiss  (at  Basel 
from  1542,  Geneva  from  1548).  The  remainder  come  from  various 
Low  Country  cities  (at  Antwerp  from  1554,  Ley  den  from  1588), 
London  (first  in  1550),  and  Spain  (first  at  Salamanca  in  1557). 

In  a  few  books  a  pyramid  of  asterisks  ,,£  *^  or  an  inverted  pyramid 
*^  *  is  used  as  a  signature,  but  nothing  can  be  inferred  from  such  a 
small  sample,  though  it  is  a  fact  that  none  is  Italian. 

The  obelus  f.  This  also  is  "particularly  characteristic  of  Italy  in  the 
late  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries"  (Mr.  Sayce).  While  the 
earliest  example  is  a  book  printed  at  Bologna  in  1513,  most  examples 
fall  after  1550.  The  proportion  of  Italian  examples  to  all  others  is 
roughly  3 :2.  Outside  Italy  it  is  found,  in  descending  order  of  fre- 
quency, in  Germany  (first  at  Wittenberg  in  1544),  Switzerland 
(chiefly  at  Basel,  from  1544),  France  (at  Paris  from  1562,  at  Lyons 
from  1530),  Spain  (first  at  Seville  in  1550),  and  the  Low  Countries. 
There  is  one  example  from  London. 

The  double  obelus  ^  is  found  in  a  few  books  printed  at  Antwerp 
and  London. 

The  paragraph  symbol  f .  This  (including  its  several  other  forms) 
is  used  chiefly  in  England  (from  1559)  and  Spain  (from  1569);  al- 
most half  of  all  the  examples  are  almost  evenly  divided  between 
these  two  countries.  Elsewhere  it  is  found,  in  descending  order  of 
frequency,  in  France,  Switzerland,  Italy,  the  Low  Countries,  and  Ger- 
many (only  two  examples).  Of  the  Italian  examples  none  is  Venetian. 

The  CI  form  of  the  paragraph  symbol  also  appears  most  often  in 
London  books  (45%  of  all  examples).  The  other  uses  are  well  scat- 
tered, but  there  are  no  Swiss  or  Low  Country  examples. 

[1^5] 


The  section  symbol  §.  Only  9  examples  of  this  symbol  occur.  Two 
each  come  from  Naples  and  Madrid;  the  remainder  are  scattered 
over  five  cities.  There  are  no  French  or  English  examples. 

The  Maltese  cross  ►J^.  Of  the  Maltese  cross  (including  several  vari- 
ant designs  and  also  the  cross  of  Lorraine)  approximately  three- 
fourths  are  Italian.  The  remainder  is  well  scattered,  except  that  Lon- 
don books  account  for  about  one-third.  This  symbol  occurs  more 
often  in  books  printed  before  1550  than  those  discussed  above. 

Parentheses.  The  parentheses  used  as  signatures  take  many  forms: 
)(  ):(  )::(  )?(  )*(  :)(:.  It  is  the  same  with  enclosing  rather  than  re- 
versed parentheses:  ()  (:)  [:]  (?)  (*)  (a)  (::)  (.'.)  ():().  There  are  also  a 
few  oddities:  in  books  printed  at  Leipzig  in  1529  and  at  Venice  in 
1581^  a  single  curve  ( is  used,  and  in  a  book  printed  at  Cologne  in 
1583^  the  series  )  ))  ())  ()))  occurs.  Any  of  these  symbols  may  be 
doubled  if  two  quires  are  needed  for  the  preliminaries.  The  practice 
is  overwhelmingly  German.  Most  examples  are  later  than  1560,  the 
earliest  being  the  Leipzig  book  mentioned  above.  Three  examples 
are  also  found  at  Lyons  and  one  each  at  Paris,  Poitiers,  London, 
Venice,  Genoa,  and  Montbeliard.  Two  of  the  Lyonese  books  are 
editions  of  the  works  of  Henry  Cornelius  Agrippa^,  one  of  which  at 
least  has  been  suspected  of  being  a  counterfeit  printed  in  Germany. 
To  this  suspicion  the  signatures  give  some  support. 

Type  flowers.  The  use  of  type  flowers  of  various  kinds  as  signatures 
is  uncommon  and  the  40  examples  are  well  dispersed,  so  that  no 
conclusions  are  warranted.  Roughly  one-fourth  of  them  are  Italian 
and  another  fourth  German.  In  Italy  there  are  more  Florentine  than 
Venetian  examples. 

Other  symbols.  A  few  other  symbols  are  found,  but  too  infre- 
quently to  suggest  any  kind  of  significance.  A  pointed  bracket  (  is 
used  at  Basel  in  1542.'^  There  are  a  few  examples  of  a  pointing  hand, 
most  of  them  German  (1511-83).  In  some  books  two  or  more 
symbols  are  combined  and  in  others  they  are  combined  with  let- 
ters. In  The  spider  and  the  flie,  by  John  Heywood  (London,  1556), 
a  book  with  an  extraordinarily  complex  collation,  the  following 
signatures  occur,  along  with  many  others  made  up  of  letters  and 
numbers  only:  '^Aaiiii,  =^  Ccii,  ^Cciii,  *>^Ddii,  ^*:j:Ddiii, 
CtEeiii,  Ct  eEeiiii,  UFf"".  %^  '^^^ 

Letters.  The  alternative  to  using  symbols  for  the  preliminary  sig- 

[126  ] 


natures  is  of  course  using  letters.  The  use  of  letters  is  almost  as  com- 
mon as  that  of  symbols.  They  appear  early,  and  before  1550  are 
more  common  than  symbols.  The  most  frequently  used  is  a  (fol- 
lowed, of  course,  if  the  preliminaries  require  more  than  one  signa- 
ture, by  b  etc.).  It  is  found  at  Logroiio  in  1512,  at  Strassburg  in  1513, 
at  Leipzig  in  1514,  at  Paris  in  1515,  at  Lyons  in  1517,  at  Venice  in 
1521,  at  Basel  in  1522.  Most  of  the  examples  observed  are  Italian, 
about  60%  of  the  whole  sample.  But  German  examples  amount  to 
less  than  14%,  French  to  12%,  Basler  to  8%,  Antwerpian  to  less  than 
2%,  and  other  cities  afford  only  one  or  two  each.  While  the  pre- 
ponderance of  Italian  examples  may  reflect  a  preponderance  of  Italian 
books  in  the  sample,  the  relative  paucity  of  German  examples,  in 
spite  of  the  high  proportion  of  German  books  in  the  sample,  may 
have  some  significance.  The  Low  Countries,  Spain,  England,  and 
Switzerland  outside  Basel  are  barely  represented.  In  most  of  the 
books  in  which  the  first  (or  only)  preliminary  signature  is  a,  the  first 
text  signature  is,  expectably  enough.  A,  but  there  are  some  in  which 
the  first  signature  is  also  a. 

The  next  most  common  preliminary  signature  is  naturally  A,  but 
it  is  less  common  than  a  in  the  proportion  roughly  of  5:2.  It  usually 
precedes  a  text  of  which  the  first  signature  is  a,  but  there  are  a  number 
of  examples  of  preliminary  A  preceding  text  A,  including  all  the 
English  books  in  this  group.  Except  for  the  fact  that  the  proportion 
of  German  examples  is  somewhat  low  and  the  English  somewhat 
high,  the  distribution  is  not  suggestive.  Italian  books  account  for 
about  35%  of  these  examples,  French  for  22%,  German  for  15%, 
English  for  11%,  Swiss  for  8%  (all  but  one  from  Basel). 

Other  choices  are  available  and  are  occasionally  preferred.  In  55 
books  of  the  sample  the  first  preliminary  signature  is  aa  (or  in  one  of 
them  aaa,  followed  by  bbb-ccc  and  aa-bb),  usually  preceding  a  text 
signed  a  etc.  In  this  group  there  are  almost  twice  as  many  French 
books  as  Italian,  half  as  many  each  from  Germany  and  from  Basel  as 
from  Italy,  and  only  three  scattered  examples  elsewhere.  AA  occurs 
18  times  as  the  first  preliminary  signature,  Aa  13  times,  Aaa  once, 
aA  once.  AA  is  used  (usually  before  A,  a  few  times  before  a)  chiefly 
in  Italy  and  France;  there  is  only  one  German  and  one  Basel  example. 
Of  Aa  there  are  no  Italian  examples;  all  of  them  are  French  except  2 
German  and  2  Basler.  A  few  oddities  may  be  observed  too.  yE  is  used 

[  127  ] 


as  a  preliminary  signature  in  a  book  printed  at  Louvain  in  1565,^  and 
something  that  looks  like  an  X  in  another  printed  at  Paris  in  1525.^ 
A  very  curious  m  is  used  at  Basel  in  1569^  In  a  few  books  the  pre- 
liminary signatures  are  set  in  italic  type,  understandably  when  the 
roman  signature  that  follows  is  the  same  letter  (e.g.,  a  a)  but  quite 
unnecessarily  when  it  is  different  [a  A).  In  a  few  books  in  which  the 
preliminaries  and  the  text  begin  with  the  same  letter  the  preliminary 
signatures  are  differentiated  by  the  addition  of  a  symbol,  a*  or  *a*  or 
fa  or  ►jHa  or  aT. 

Two  other  series  of  letters  are  sometimes  used  for  preliminary 
signatures.  One  is  the  vowels  with  macrons:  a  e  i  0  ij  or  some  of 
them.  This  practice  is  characteristically  French.  The  only  non-French 
examples  found  are  two  books  printed  at  Frankfurt  in  1578  and  1580 
by  Andre  Wechel,  who  had  migrated  from  Paris,  one  at  Geneva  in 
1594  by  Fran(;:ois  Le  Preux,  another  exile  from  Paris,  and  one  at 
Heidelberg  in  1590  by  Jerome  Commelin  from  Douai. 

The  other  is  the  Greek  alphabet.  This  is  much  used  by  the  printers 
of  Basel  from  as  early  as  1516;  of  approximately  one  hundred  ex- 
amples three-fourths  are  found  in  Basel  books.  Other  uses  occur  at 
Lyons  (7,  from  1532),  Paris  (3),  Venice  (3),  Cologne  (2),  Frankfurt 
(2),  Strassburg  (2),  and  Geneva,  Zurich,  and  Ingolstadt  (one  each). 
In  most  of  these  books  it  precedes  a  series  of  roman  signatures  in 
the  text. 

Numbers.  In  a  few  books  the  preliminary  leaves  are  signed  with 
numbers  instead  of  symbols  or  letters.  Sometimes  the  leaves  are 
numbered  consecutively,  in  one  book  printed  at  Toscolano  in  1522^ 
up  to  50;  in  others  the  numbers  are  treated  like  the  letters  (2  ij,  2  iij, 
2  iiij,  etc.).  Most  of  the  examples  are  Italian. 

TEXT   SIGNATURES 

The  normal  alphabet  of  23  letters  from  a  or  A  to  z  or  Z  may  seem  to 
admit  of  no  variation,  but  a  few  anomalies  may  be  observed.  In  four 
books  a  W  is  added  between  V  and  X;  two  of  them  were  printed  in 
Slavic-speaking  territory  (Olomouc,  1562;  Prague,  1593).  In  two 
books  printed  by  Simon  de  Lucre  at  Venice  in  1501  and  1519^  9  is 
substituted  for  z.^°  Occasionally  a  letter  will  be  repeated  (e.g.,  A-T 
T-Z),  probably  through  inadvertence.  Sometimes  a  letter  is  repeated 
presumably  to  correct  an  error  and  the  second  occurrence  is  differ- 

[128  ] 


entiated  from  the  first.  E.g.,  in  one  book  an  Ee  gathering  is  inter- 
posed between  E  and  F.^^  In  another  *G  comes  between  G  and  H.^^ 
In  another  2°Bb  is  found  between  Bb  and  Cc;^^  in  another  QQQQ 
QQQQ2°  between  pppp  and  qqqq-^'^  In  a  quarto  the  first  two  leaves 
of  the  gathering  between  K  and  N  are  signed  L  and  M2;^^  according 
to  the  pagination  and  catchwords  nothing  is  missing.  In  a  few  books 
one  alphabet  is  differentiated  from  another  typographically.  In  a 
book  printed  at  Venice  in  1525  A-Z  follows  A-Z.^^  In  another 
printed  at  Paris  in  1556^^  one  section  is  signed  in  italic  letters  (al- 
though the  text  is  in  roman)  following  A-Z  Aa-Ii.  In  another 
printed  at  Lyons  in  1 525^^  A-z  is  the  first  alphabet  in  tome  n  followed 
by  Aa  etc.^^ 

But  these  are  curiosities  of  no  significance.  Much  more  note- 
worthy is  the  fact  that  in  a  number  of  books  printed  at  London  Z  is 
regularly  omitted:  the  collation  is  A-Y,  Aa-Yy,  Aaa-Yyy,  etc.,  or 
some  equivalent.  The  practice  is  also  found  very  rarely  in  other 
places:  at  Copenhagen  in  1508  and  at  Antwerp  in  1519  and  1521. 

In  some  early  sixteenth-century  books  the  alphabet  is  extended  by 
the  characters  z  or  &,  d,  -jj.  or  I^.  They  or  one  or  two  of  them  always 
follow  Z  or  z  and  always  in  that  order.  Sometimes  they  are  repeated, 
doubled,  after  ZZ  or  zz.  Most  of  the  examples  are  earlier  than  1540. 
More  than  half  of  them  are  Italian;  another  quarter  is  French  (almost 
all  of  them  of  the  ampersand  only);  the  remainder  is  scattered.  There 
are  only  three  German  examples,  one  Dutch,  and  one  Spanish.  This 
practice  probably  explains  the  curious  use  of  "Et"  as  a  signature  in 
books  printed  at  Venice  in  1503  and  at  Paris  in  1529.^° 

If  we  take  A-Z  Aa-Zz  Aaa-Zzz,  etc.,  as  the  normal  series  of 
signatures,  departures  from  it  may  reveal  printers'  customs. 

Lowercase  letters.  The  most  obvious  alternative  is  lowercase  signa- 
tures: a  etc.  or  a-z  aa  etc.  if  the  book  consists  of  more  than  23 
gatherings.  There  are  many  examples;  in  roughly  750  books  of  the 
sample  the  first  text  signature  is  a.  Of  those  in  which  all  the  text 
signatures  are  lowercase  letters  (a-z  aa-zz  aaa-zzz  aaaa-zzzz  or  any 
part  of  this  series)  30%  are  Italian,  26%  German,  23%  French,  14% 
Swiss.  The  numbers  from  other  countries  are  inconsiderable  (4% 
from  Spain,  a  litde  more  than  1%  from  the  Low  Countries,  one 
example  from  England).  These  figures  reflect  an  unusual  popularity 
of  lowercase  alphabets  in  France  and  at  Basel. 

[  129  ] 


In  seeming  defiance  of  the  principle  of  economy  of  effort,  printers 
sometimes  use  two-letter  combinations  as  the  first  text  alphabet:  aa, 
Aa,  or  A  A;  there  are  even  a  handful  of  examples  of  three-letter 
combinations:  aaa,  AAA.  All  are  relatively  rare;  Aa  is  the  most  com- 
mon, but  it  is  not  really  common.  A  majority  of  the  examples  are 
German;  aa  is  the  only  one  often  found  at  Venice. 

Second  alphabets.  But  a-z  as  the  first  alphabet  does  not  guarantee 
that  aa-zz  follows;  it  is  more  often  A-Z.  This  may  be  explained  by 
the  principle  of  economy  of  effort:  A-Z  requires  less  type  and  less 
exertion.  The  geographical  distribution  of  books  of  46  or  fewer 
quires  signed  a-z  A-Z  is  instructive.  42%  of  them  are  French  (19% 
Parisian,  23%  Lyonese),  26%  come  from  Basel,  19%  from  Italy 
(mostly  from  Venice),  8%  from  Germany.  The  remaining  examples 
are  inconsiderable  in  number:  7  from  other  Swiss  cities,  3  from  Lon- 
don, 2  from  Spain,  and  one  from  Antwerp,  amounting  altogether  to 
5%  of  the  total.  The  preference  of  the  French  and  Basel  printers  for 
a-z  as  the  first  alphabet  and  the  avoidance  or  neglect  of  it  every- 
where else  are  quite  clear. 

Sometimes  a-z  is  followed  by  some  other  alphabet  than  either 
aa-zz  or  A-Z,  most  often  Aa-Zz.  Examples,  however,  are  too  few 
and  too  scattered  to  suggest  conclusions. 

Likewise  A-Z  as  the  first  alphabet  is  not  invariably  followed  by 
Aa-Zz.  The  second  alphabet  may  be  a-z,  no  doubt  in  deference  to 
the  principle  of  economy  of  effort.  Examples  are  relatively  few,  a 
little  more  than  one  hundred,  and  more  than  half  of  them  are  Ger- 
man. Italian  examples  account  for  about  18%  of  the  total;  relatively 
few  are  found  (in  descending  order  of  frequency)  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, France,  Switzerland,  Spain,  and  England. 

Much  more  common  as  the  second  alphabet  is  AA-ZZ.  The  se- 
quence A-Z  AA-ZZ  is  a  Venetian  specialty;  50%  of  the  examples 
come  from  Venice  and  another  15%  from  other  Italian  cities.  The 
examples  from  other  places  are  negligible  by  comparison :  7%  from 
Germany,  6%  from  London,  6%  from  Paris,  3%  from  Lyons,  not  to 
mention  a  small  number  of  scattered  examples  from  other  places. 

Further  alphabets.  In  books  of  more  than  46  gatherings  the  third 
alphabet  may  follow  the  pattern  established  by  the  first  two:  aaa-zzz 
after  a-z  aa-zz,  Aaa-Zzz^^  after  A-Z  Aa-Zz.  But  then  again  it  may 
not.  The  more  economical  sequences  a-z  aa-zz  A-Z  or  A-Z  Aa-Zz 

[  130  ] 


Khr-TIL  may  be  used  instead;  indeed  examples  of  almost  every 
imaginable  combination  may  be  found.  As  the  number  of  examples 
of  these  sequences  is  small,  no  conclusions  suggest  themselves  except 
one. 

A  tabulation  of  books  requiring  three  or  more  alphabets  in  which 
a-z  A-Z  are  the  first  two  reveals  some  preferences.  For  the  third 
alphabet  aa-zz,  Aa-Zz,  and  AA-ZZ  are  available.  The  printers  of 
Basel  markedly  prefer  Aa-Zz:  there  are  37  examples  to  7  of  aa-zz 
and  one  of  AA-ZZ.  At  Paris  the  preference  is  also  for  Aa-Zz  but  by  a 
small  majority:  8  examples  to  5  of  AA-ZZ  and  2  of  aa-zz.  Lyons 
prefers  aa-zz:  there  are  18  examples  to  9  of  Aa-Zz  and  5  of  AA-ZZ. 
At  Venice  the  preference  is  for  AA-ZZ  by  a  small  majority:  8 
examples  to  6  of  Aa-Zz  and  2  of  aa-zz.  The  sequence  a-z  A-Z 
Aa-Zz  therefore  seems  especially  characteristic  of  Basel. 

For  the  fourth  alphabet  the  printer  has  an  even  wider  choice  (all 
combinations  of  three  and  four  letters  as  well  as  two  of  the  two- 
letter  combinations),  and  examples  of  virtually  every  possibility  are 
found.  The  number  of  examples  is  too  small  to  warrant  fmding 
significance  in  such  a  variety  of  sequences.  At  Basel  the  fourth  al- 
phabet is  AA-ZZ  more  often  than  not. 

Greek  letters.  In  36  books  of  this  sample  the  Greek  alphabet  is  used 
for  signatures.  Many  of  them  are  texts  of  Greek  authors,  but  by  no 
means  all.  The  examples  are  pretty  well  scattered;  there  are  more 
from  Venice  and  Basel  than  from  any  other  place,  but  perhaps  the 
fact  testifies  to  nothing  more  than  the  preeminence  of  these  two 
cities  as  centers  of  Greek  printing. 

Numbers.  In  a  few  books  numbers  are  used  as  signatures,  often  in 
combination  with  the  usual  alphabets.  For  instance,  the  Latin  Pe- 
trarch printed  at  Venice  in  1503  collates  ^^^  A-K^  L^  M-AA^ 
BB-CC^  aa-dd^  C^°  a-z^  &8  d^  1-76  8^;  the  section  signed  with 
numbers  is  the  Africa.  The  numbers  are  usually  treated  like  letters  and 
are  followed  by  other  numbers  designating  the  leaves:  1  ii,  1  iii,  etc., 
or  even  1  2,  1  3,  1  4,  etc.  In  one  book  the  leaves  are  signed  consecu- 
tively .1.  to  .VIII.  Most  of  the  examples  are  Italian;  in  fact,  numbers 
as  signatures,  more  often  in  the  preliminaries  than  in  the  text,  are 
moderately  common  in  books  printed  by  the  Giuntas  at  Venice. 


[  131  ] 


PAGINATION   AND   FOLIATION 

I  can  add  litde  to  what  Mr.  Sayce  says  on  this  subject.  The  earhest 
examples  of  pagination  in  my  sample  are  two  books  printed  at  Ven- 
ice in  1513.22  Early  examples  are  not  uncommon,  a  preponderance 
of  them  coming  from  Basel  and  none  whatever  from  Spain,  the  Low 
Countries,  or  England.  Examples  of  late  foliation  abound,  right 
down  to  1599;  early  on  I  gave  up  the  attempt  to  record  them.  There 
is  one  book  with  pagination  in  Greek  numerals.  There  are  no  exam- 
ples of  page  or  folio  numbers  enclosed  in  parentheses  or  type 
ornaments. 

The  legend  FoL  j  or  Folio  primo  is  not  uncommon  early  in  the 
century,  especially  in  large  books;  sometimes  the  word  appears  only 
on  the  first  foliated  leaf,  sometimes  runs  through  the  book. 

Many  books  are  neither  paged  nor  foliated.  Some  of  the  chief 
classes  are  short  tracts  for  the  times,  including  German  religious 
tracts,  dictionaries,  and  books  of  verse. 

THE  IMPRINT 

Imprints  take  a  great  variety  of  forms  and  few  generalizations  about 
them  are  possible.  The  common  English  form  "Printed  by  A.B.  for 
C.D."  is  rare  on  the  continent.  The  imprint  usually  names  the  pub- 
lisher or  bookseller  and  the  formulae  most  often  used  are  in  aedibus, 
in  officina,  venales  habentur,  chez,  appresso.  If  the  printer  is  different 
from  the  publisher  and  is  identified,  the  information  is  more  often 
given  in  a  colophon  and  the  book  is  said  to  have  been  printed  by 
A.B.  sumptibus,  expensis,  or  ad  instantiam  C.D.  The  practice  of  hiring  a 
printer,  or  at  any  rate  notification  of  the  fact,  appears  to  be  less  com- 
mon in  Germany  than  elsewhere,  though  there  are  notable  excep- 
tions like  Feyerabend  and  de  Bry  at  Frankfurt.  Paris  and  London 
publishers  very  commonly  give  their  addresses  in  imprints;  others 
very  rarely. 

Dates  in  imprints  and  colophons.  As  Mr.  Sayce's  data  on  this  topic 
are  much  fuller  than  mine,  I  will  add  only  a  few  random  observa- 
tions. Roman  dates  combining  uppercase  and  lowercase  letters  are 
common  early  in  the  century.  Dates  in  which  only  the  first  letter  is 
uppercase  (Mcccccvj)  are  often  found  in  incunabula  and  very  early 
sixteenth-century  books.  More  typical  of  the  early  sixteenth  century 

[  132  ] 


are  mixtures  like  M.D.xxv  or  M.D.XXiiij;  there  are  many  varieties. 
In  spite  of  some  exceptions  (15  from  Spain,  8  from  Italy,  2  from 
France,  2  from  Antwerp,  and  one  each  from  Basel  and  London),  the 
practice  seems  characteristic  of  Germany,  where  about  70%  of  the 
examples  are  found. 

Of  the  form  cb.  Id.  xxv  (or  cb  b  xxv)  there  is  no  English  example 
and  only  4  French,  one  Itahan  (Turin,  not  Venice),  and  one  Spanish. 
The  preponderance  of  Low  Country  examples  is  due  to  Plantin's 
frequent  use  of  it.  Of  CIO.  ID.  XXV  (or  CIO  lO  XXV),  on  the 
other  hand,  there  are  12  Italian  examples,  along  with  12  Swiss,  11 
German,  5  French,  and  only  4  from  the  Low  Countries  (one  from 
Franeker). 

The  form  of  M  that  looks  like  a  recumbent  8  (co.D.XXV)  is 
occasionally  found  in  Venetian  books  in  the  latter  part  of  the  century. 
In  a  few  books  with  Greek  colophons  the  date  is  naturally  given  in 
Greek  characters. 

Arabic  (rather  than  Roman)  numerals  in  the  imprint  date  are 
found  everywhere,  but  they  are  eminently  characteristic  of  Paris  and 
other  French  cities  and  of  London,  where  they  predominate  over  the 
Roman.  A  tabulation  of  examples  does  not  tell  us  much  more  ex- 
cept that  it  suggests  that  the  practice  is  relatively  common  in  Spain 
and  uncommon  in  Germany. 


MAKE  UP 


When  printing  a  book  consisting  of  separate  parts  (two  or  more 
works  of  the  same  author  or  two  or  more  works  by  different  authors, 
to  which  individual  title  pages  are  frequently  prefixed),  or  a  mul- 
tiple-volume work  like  some  author's  opera  omnia,  the  printer  has  the 
alternative  of  using  a  single  series  of  alphabets  consecutively  from 
beginning  to  end  or  of  starting  afresh  with  A  or  some  equivalent  at 
the  beginning  of  each  part  or  volume.  Often  enough  each  part  or 
volume  will  have  its  own  preliminaries  too.  The  latter  method  is 
generally  preferred.  If  so,  the  printer  has  a  further  choice:  to  give 
each  part  a  distinctive  series  of  signatures  (e.g.,  A-Z  Aa-Zz,  etc.,  for 
the  first  part,  a-z  aa-zz,  etc.,  for  the  second,  A-Z  AA-ZZ,  etc.,  for 
the  third,  etc.)  or  to  use  the  same  series  (A-Z  Aa-Zz,  etc.,  or  what- 
ever) for  each  part.  More  often  than  not  printers  elect  to  give  each 
part  distinctive  signatures,  especially  in  multivolume  sets. 

[  133  ] 


The  differentiation  of  alphabets  in  large  books  is  something  of  a 
test  of  the  printer's  ingenuity,  especially  if  he  wishes  to  sign  the  quires 
economically.  The  Basel  1589  edition  of  the  works  of  Paracelsus  in 
ten  volumes  uses  a  series  of  alphabets  beginning  with  the  following 
letters:  a  A  |  Aa  AA  AAa  |  Aaa  AAa  AAA  |  Aaaa  AAaa  AAAa  |  as) 
A5)  a5)  As)  as)  |  a6)  A6)  aa6)  |  ay)  Ay)  aay)  |  a8)  AS)  aaS)  |  ap)  A9) 
aap)  I  aio)  Aio)  aaio)  aio)  Aio)  Aaio).  Evidendy  four  letters  were 
as  many  as  the  printer  was  willing  to  use  in  a  signature  and,  having 
exhausted  most  of  the  four-letter  combinations  of  A  and  a,  he  re- 
sorted to  combinations  of  letters  and  numbers,  adding  an  apologetic 
(?)  parenthesis.  The  printer  of  a  twelve-volume  collection  of  legal 
tracts  (Lyons,  1S44)  managed  to  make  do  with  a  maximum  of  four 
letters  for  eight  volumes,  then  betook  himself  to  letters  and  symbols: 
a  A  I  aa  AA  I  aaa  AAA  |  aaA  AAa  |  aAa  AaA  |  aaaa  AAAA  |  AAAa 
aaaA  |  aaAA  AAaa  |  fa  t^  I  t^^  t^A  |  Ja  JA  |  (index)  A.  Theodor 
Zwinger's  Theatrum  humanae  vitae  (Basel,  is8y)  required  ly  alpha- 
bets: the  printer  provided  them  without  using  more  than  five  letters 
in  any  signature  thus:  a  A  Aa  A  A  aa  aaa  AAA  aAa  AaA  aaaa  AAAA 
a  AAa  AaaA  aaaaa  AAAA  A  aaAaa  A  AaAA.  The  printer  of  the  Paris 
iS6y  edition  of  Amyot's  Plutarch,  who  needed  11  alphabets,  took 
the  bull  by  the  horns  and  used  the  series  lA  through  11  A.  On  the 
other  hand,  printers  who  begin  every  section  with  A  produce  some 
extraordinary  collations.  In  the  eleven-volume  works  of  Aristotle 
published  at  Venice  in  is6o  each  tomus  begins  with  A  and  goes  as  far 
through  the  series  A-Z  har-Tjz  h2.2.-TLTL  as  is  necessary.  The  printer 
of  a  collection  of  English  statutes  (5X09304,  isys)  uses  16  As,  14  Bs, 
etc.  An  appalling  example  is  a  collection  of  students'  disputations 
published  at  Jena  in  1 S93  by  Arnold  de  Reyger,  a  local  teacher  of 
law:  it  uses  A  39  times  and  has  41  subsidiary  title  pages.  (It  does  not 
seem  to  be  a  series  of  separate  issues  brought  together  under  a  general 
title  page.) 

The  geographical  distribution  of  books  in  which  the  same  alpha- 
bet or  series  of  alphabets  is  used  twice  or  oftener  is  not  very  instruc- 
tive except  for  one  fact,  the  number  of  such  books  printed  at  Venice 
seems  disproportionately  large. 

When  a  printer  comes  to  the  end  of  a  text  which  is  to  be  followed 
by  an  index  (or  other  end  matter),  he  may  carry  on  the  series  of 
signatures  he  has  been  using  (if  the  last  leaf  of  text  is  signed,  say,  Nn3, 

[134] 


the  first  leaf  of  the  index  will  be  Nn4)  or  he  may  start  a  new  one. 
That  the  index  was  sometimes  regarded  as  a  separate  unit  is  suggested 
by  the  fact  that  in  some  books  with  indexes  the  colophon  is  placed 
at  the  end  of  the  text  rather  than  at  the  end  of  the  book  and  that  in  a 
few  books  the  index  has  a  separate  title  page.  For  signing  the  index 
symbols  rather  than  letters  are  sometimes  used — the  asterisk,  the 
obelus,  the  Maltese  cross,  the  paragraph  sign — as  well  as  Greek  letters 
and,  in  at  least  one  book,  the  vowels  with  macrons.  Indexes  with 
their  own  series  of  signatures  occur  frequently  enough  in  books  that 
are  indexed  (many  of  course  are  not);  I  have  noted  about  145  exam- 
ples. But  this  tally  is  incomplete  because  it  does  not  include  indexes 
printed  among  the  preliminaries,  as  they  sometimes  are  in  sixteenth- 
century  books,  which  also  sometimes  have  their  own  set  of  signa- 
tures. (Indeed,  when  the  index  has  an  integral  set  of  signatures  it  is 
sometimes  bound  in  different  positions  in  different  copies  of  the  same 
book.)  The  only  peculiarity  revealed  by  the  145  examples  is  the  dis- 
use of  the  practice  in  Germany;  there  are  only  4  German  examples, 
from  4  different  cities,  in  the  lot. 

In  some  early  sixteenth-century  books  gatherings  of  different  sizes 
alternate  regularly  throughout  the  book  or  some  substantial  portion 
of  it;  e.g.,  8s  and  6s  or  6s  and  4s  or  6s,  4s,  4s  and  6s,  4s,  4s.  Most  of  the 
examples  observed  are  earlier  than  1520.  I  mention  them  because 
almost  all  of  them  are  German — exceptions  are  found  only  at  Deven- 
ter  (1505),  Asti  (1508),  Paris  (5  examples,  1507-60),  Basel  (4  exam- 
ples, 1507-15),  Antwerp  (1510),  Cracow  (1548),  Tours  (1591) — and 
this  kind  of  make  up  seems  typical  of  German  workmanship. 

When  a  printer  approaches  the  end  of  a  book  he  is  setting  up  he 
often  fmds  that  the  copy  remaining  will  not  fill  a  normal  gathering. 
Suppose  the  book  is  a  quarto  and  he  finds  that  he  has  enough  copy  to 
fill  two  leaves  instead  of  four.  He  can  then  print  a  half  sheet  as  the 
last  gathering:  the  collation  will  be,  let  us  say,  A-R"^  S^.  Alternatively 
he  can  combine  the  half  sheet  with  the  last  full  gathering;  the  colla- 
tion is  then  A-Q'^  R^.  There  are  plenty  of  examples  of  both  practices. 
There  is  another  alternative,  however,  to  print  a  half  sheet  as  the 
next-to-last  gathering  so  that  the  last  is  normal:  A-Q'^  R^  S^.  Why 
this  last  procedure  was  sometimes  adopted  I  do  not  know:  perhaps  a 
flimsy  half  sheet  at  the  end  was  thought  more  vulnerable  than  a 
normal  gathering  or  a  full  gathering  would  facilitate  good  binding. 

[135] 


At  any  rate  a  number  of  books  were  made  up  in  this  way.  The  point 
is  that  roughly  75%  of  them  are  German  and  this  make  up  is  a 
pretty  good  sign  of  German  workmanship. 

There  is  another  way  of  adjusting  the  end  of  a  book  to  a  deficiency 
of  copy  to  fill  out  a  normal  gathering.  It  is  found  chiefly  in  folios.  If 
the  printer  is  setting  up  a  folio  in  6s  and  finds  that  the  copy  suffices 
for  only  two  leaves  of  the  last  gathering  he  can,  if  he  wishes  to  avoid 
a  gathering  of  only  two  leaves,  spread  the  deficiency  over  the  last 
two  gatherings  and  thus  produce  a  book  which  collates  A-Q^  R-S"^ 
instead  of  A-R^  S^.  Of  the  examples  observed,  more  than  half  come 
from  Italy. 

The  register,  a  list  of  the  signatures  of  which  the  book  is  made  up, 
usually  printed  at  the  end,  is  an  Italian,  chiefly  a  Venetian,  device. 
A  few  examples  can  be  found  elsewhere,  especially  at  Lyons  early  in 
the  century,  but  in  Venetian  books  of  some  size  it  is  almost  invari- 
able, and  it  is  sometimes  found  in  small  ones  too.  In  some  incunabula 
and  a  few  very  early  sixteenth-century  books  it  takes  the  form  of  a 
table:  under  each  signature  a  few  words  from  the  beginning  of  each 
leaf  of  the  gathering  or  most  of  them  are  listed.  Registers  are  not 
always  impeccably  accurate;  often  enough  they  do  not  include  the 
preliminary  gatherings.  They  are  not  of  much  help  in  localizing,  for 
much  more  often  than  not  the  register  is  followed  by  a  colophon 
which  sufficiently  identifies  the  book. 

The  value  of  the  data  set  forth  above  is  limited.  Whether  the  prov- 
enance of  early  printed  books  can  be  determined  independently 
of  a  specialized  knowledge  of  the  history  of  printing  is  a  question; 
only  rarely  can  it  be  inferred  solely  from  the  printing-house  practices 
the  book  exemplifies.  A  knowledge  of  the  history  of  printing  is  not 
inaccessible;  the  trouble  is  that  what  is  known  is  not  usually  orga- 
nized in  such  a  way  as  to  facilitate  the  determination  of  provenance. 
Neither  is  it  organized  so  as  to  facilitate  a  study  of  printing-house 
practices:  all  too  often  library  catalogues  and  other  book  lists  fail  to 
give  collations,  without  which  one  cannot  go  far.  Furthermore  a 
study  based  on  something  like  one-fiftieth  of  all  the  books  printed  in 
the  sixteenth  century  obviously  leaves  more  to  be  learned,  even  if,  as 
one  hopes,  it  is  not  misleading  as  far  as  it  goes. 

Other  limitations  are  inherent  in  the  methods  employed.  Lumping 

[136] 


together  data  drawn  from  different  printing  centers  in  the  same  na- 
tion obviously  runs  the  risk  of  conceahng  local  differences.  I  have 
sometimes  differentiated  Paris  and  Lyons  or  Venice  and  other  Italian 
cities,  but  not  systematically.  Their  practices  may  be  similar  more 
often  than  they  are  different,  but  still  they  may  sometimes  be  dif- 
ferent. I  have  made  almost  no  distinction  at  all  among  the  various 
German  cities;  some  local  differences  may  thereby  be  covered  up. 
A  case  could  be  made  out  for  linking  Basel  and  Zurich  w^ith  the 
German  cities  and  Geneva  with  the  French.  When  the  data  show  that 
a  certain  practice  prevails  in  a  certain  place,  it  does  not  follow  that  all 
the  printers  in  that  place  conform  to  it.  My  data  suggest  a  frequent 
use  of  lowercase  alphabets  as  signatures  in  Paris,  and  clearly  the  Es- 
tiennes  and  Simon  de  Colines  favor  them.  But  equally  clearly  Vas- 
cosan  does  not.  They  also  demonstrate  the  popularity  of  the  sequence 
A-Z  AA-ZZ  at  Venice.  In  70  books  of  more  than  23  gatherings 
printed  by  Gabriel  Giolito  the  first  two  alphabets  are  A-Z  AA-ZZ 
in  all  but  five  (93%).  But  in  45  books  of  the  same  kind  printed  by 
the  Giunta  family  over  roughly  the  same  span  of  years  only  40% 
are  so  signed.  Gross  numbers  and  proportions  may  conceal  individual 
differences  which,  if  known,  would  be  useful  to  the  determination  of 
provenance.  Printing-house  practice  may  depend  upon  local  custom, 
if  there  is  one;  it  may  also  depend  upon  individual  preference  or  even 
upon  caprice.^-'  A  knowledge  of  printing-house  practices  is  a  useful 
adjunct  to  other  clues  in  the  determination  of  provenance,  but  full 
knowledge  of  them  awaits  a  much  larger  sampling  of  early  printed 
books  which  isolates  local  differences  and  the  preferences  of  partic- 
ular printers. 


NOTES 

1 .  Septiceps  Lutherus  .  .  .  loa.  Cockii  .  .  .  (Lipsiae  Impressit  Valentinus  Schumaii 
.  .  .).  Aminta  .  .  .  di  M.  Torquato  Tasso.  ...  In  Vinegia  [presso  Aldoj. 

2.  Ketzerhrunn  .  .  .  durch  Frandscum  Agrkolam  .  .  .  Getruckt  zu  CSlln/  Durch 
Maternum  Cholinum  .  .  . 

3.  .  .  .  Operum  pars  posterior.  .  .  .  Lugduni.  Per  Beringos  fratres.  .  .  .  Opera  .  .  . 
Lugduni,  per  Beringos  fratres.  Anno  M  DC. 

4.  D.  Eugyppii  abbatis  Aphricani  thesauronwi  ex  D.  Angustini  operibus  . . .  sekctorum, 
tomus  secundus.  .  .  .  Basileae.  (  .  .  .  per  Robertum  Winter  .  .  .) 


[   137   ] 


5.  Historiae  Aloysii  Lipowaui  .  .  .  De  vitis  Sanctorum,  pars  sccunda.  .  .  .  Louanii, 
Apud  Petrum  Sangrium  .  .  . 

6.  Justinian,  Digestum  nouum  .  .  .  Andreas  Boucard  sic  renouauit  opus.  (Inipressum 
. . .  in  . . .  Parrihisiorum  academia: . . .  Opera  . .  .  mea:  impensis  autem  et  meis/ 
z  loannis  Petit.) 

7.  Conradi  a  Liechthenauu  .  .  .  chroniaim  .  .  .  Basileae  apud  Petrum  Pernam  .  .  . 

8.  Nicolaus  Perottus,  Cornticopiae  .  .  .  (Thusculani,  apud  Benacum  in  xdibus 
Alexandri  Paganini.  .  .  .) 

9.  i)Abbatis loachim  liber  cocordie  noiii  ac  veteris  Testamenti .  .  .  2)Libroriwt  Francisci 
Petrarche  .  .  .  Annotatio. 

10.  The  use  of  initial  u  rather  than  the  normal  v  {iirbs  rather  than  vrbs)  is  found  in  a 
number  of  early  printed  books,  both  before  1 500  and  in  the  first  half  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  The  latest  example  found  is  from  Venice  in  1570.  Though  this 
tally  is  very  incomplete  and  the  result  is  therefore  subject  to  correction,  all  the 
examples  observed  are  German,  Swiss,  and  Italian.  Greek  omega  instead  of  0  in 
words  of  Greek  origin,  e.g.,  epigrammatcon,  is  not  uncommon.  The  use  of 
uppercase  I  for  ii  (LipsI  =  Lipsii)  had  some  vogue  in  the  last  quarter  of  the 
century;  most  of  the  examples  noted  are  books  printed  by  Plantin.  It  seems  to 
be  confmed  to  proper  names  and  to  be  used  only  on  title  page,  in  head-titles, 
etc. 

11.  Generale,  concilium  Tridcntitnmi  .  .  .  Venetiis,  ad  signum  Spei.  1552. 

12.  Plutarchi  de  loquacitate  liber.  .  .  .  Rostochii  Ex  officina  typographica  Myliandrj. 
Anno  CID  O  XIC. 

13.  Aristotelis  .  .  .  De  Arte  Rhetorica  Libri  Tres  .  .  .  Venetiis,  Apud  Franciscum  de 
Franciscis  Senensem,  M  D  XCI. 

14.  Galeni  librorum  quarta  classis  .  .  .  Venetiis,  M  D  LXV.  (  .  .  .  apud  haeredes 
Lucaeantonii  luntae. ) 

15.  Nuoua  minera  d'oro  di  Flauio  Girolami.  In  Venetia,  M.D.LXXXX.  Appresso 
Barezzo  Barezzi. 

16.  Francisci  Georgii  Veneti  .  .  .  de  harmonia  mundi  totius  cantica  tria  .  .  .  (Venetiis  in 
aedibus  Bernardini  de  Vitahbus  .  .  .  M.D.XXV.  .  .  .  ) 

17.  Francisci  Vicomercati  Mediolanensis  in  quatuor  libros  .  .  .  meteorologicorum  com- 
mentarii .  .  .  Lutetiae  Parisiorum,  apud  Vascosanum.  M.  D.  LVI. 

18.  Commentaires  de  Inks  Cesar . . .  Traduictz  par  . . .  Estienne  de  Laigne  ...  A  Lyon, 
Par  lean  de  Tournes.  1545. 

19.  Another  use  of  small  caps  is  found  in  Laurentius  Surius'  Consilia  omnia  (Co- 
logne, 1567),  a  book  of  almost  4000  pages  divided  into  four  tomes  and  an 
index.  The  preliminaries  are  signed  a*.  A*,  A*,  and  *a*  respectively.  The  text 
is  signed  with  alphabets  beginning  as  follows:  a  aa  aaa  |  A  A  A  AAA  AAAA  | 
A  AA  AAA  AAAA  |  *a  *aa  *aaa  *aaaa. 

20.  Preclarissimus  in  Iiidiciis  Astrorum  Albohazen  Haly  Jilius  Abenragel . . .  ([Venetiis] 
per  lo.  bapti.  Sessa.)  Theophrasti  de  causis  plantarum  libri  VI  (Lutecia:,  Ex 
ofFicina  Christiani  Wechel.  1529). 

21.  AaA,  aAa,  AAa  are  sometimes  found  as  alternatives  to  Aaa.  In  a  few  books  Aaa 
and  one  of  these  are  economically  used  in  series. 

[138] 


22.  Of  course  there  are  still  earlier  examples:  I  have  heard  of  one  in  the  Fundamentu 
eterne  felicitatis  of  Innocent  III  printed  at  Cologne  by  Martin  de  Werden  in 
1506 — appropriately  enough  since  the  earliest  known  book  with  pagination 
was  printed  there  in  1474  (the  Fasciculus  temporum  of  Werner  Rolewinck 
printed  by  Nicolaus  Gotz). 

23.  To  illustrate  the  variety  of  practices  that  may  be  found  in  the  work  of  a  single 
printer,  I  summarize  some  facts  observed  in  78  books  printed  by  Aldo  Manuzio 
in  the  first  fifteen  years  of  the  century.  For  prehminary  signatures  he  favors  the 
asterisk  (8  examples),  but  he  also  uses  the  Maltese  cross  (once),  a  variety  of 
letters  (aa,  A,  AA),  and  numbers  (once).  In  12  books  the  preliminaries  are 
unsigned.  For  text  signatures  he  clearly  favors  lowercase  letters:  in  17  books  of 
not  more  than  23  gatherings  and  7  of  more  than  23  all  the  signatures  are  lower- 
case; in  28  more  lowercase  signatures  are  used  in  series  with  uppercase.  Only  9 
are  signed  with  uppercase  letters  throughout.  In  7  books  &  is  added  to  the 
alphabet.  In  7  books  the  Greek  alphabet  is  used  and  in  two  more  alphabets  of 
mixed  roman  and  Greek  letters  (aa,  rFGG).  In  two  books  some  of  the  signa- 
tures are  numbers;  in  one  book  all  of  them  through  24  quires.  He  makes  a  good 
deal  of  use  of  gatherings  of  different  sizes  in  the  same  book,  as  many  other  early 
printers  do;  one  book  is  made  up  of  alternate  gatherings  of  18  and  16  leaves. 
He  shows  a  weakness  for  double,  triple,  and  even  quadruple  letters  where  one 
would  do;  in  10  books  the  first  text  signature  is  aa  or  some  equivalent,  in  one 
aaa,  in  one  A  AAA.  In  several  books  he  prints  a  Greek  text  and  a  Latin  transla- 
tion on  facing  pages  and  gives  the  Greek  leaves  and  the  Latin  independent 
signatures.  This  is  hardly  a  record  of  consistently  following  fixed  local  or 
personal  practices;  rather  it  suggests  some  propensity  towards  experiment 
and  innovation. 


[  139  ] 


Rudolf  Hirscli  Bibliography 


ARTICLES  AND  BOOKS 

"Zur  gcistlichcn  Auslegung  des  Lebens  Christi  [Gesamtkatalog  der  Wie- 

gcndrucke,  III,  Nr.  3084],"  Zeitschrift  fiir  Bikherfreimde,  xxiii  (1931), 

34-37- 
Catalogue  analytics  for  the  Cooperative  Cataloging  Committee  of  the 

American  Library  Association  of  the  Monumenta  Germaniae,  poetae 

Latini  medii  aevi,  i-v,  1935-40. 

"De  hastis  et  auctionibus  saeculorum  xvi  et  xvii,"  The  Colophon,  n.s. 

Ill  (1937),  137-139. 
"Note  on  the  Friesian  Collection,"  Bulletin  of  the  New  York  Public  Library, 

XLi  (1937),  848-850. 
"List  of  Recent  Bibliographies,"  Bulletin  of  the  New  York  Public  Library, 

XLii  (1937),  108-132;  XLiii  (1937),  323-332,  493-512,  548-562. 
"Survey  of  Books  Printed  in  Germany,  1501-1530:  The  Book  Production 

in  the  German  Speaking  Cultural  Area,"  Papers  of  the  Bibliographical 

Society  of  America,  xxxiv  (1940),  117-136. 

Compiler:  Union  List  of  Microfilms,  Philadelphia,  Bibliographical  Center, 
1941-44,  1  vol.  and  3  supplements. 

"Distribution  Analysis  of  the  Union  List  of  Microfilms," /oMr«fl/  of  Docu- 
mentary Reproduction,  v  (1942),  110-111. 

"Plans  for  the  Organization  of  International  Peace  from  1306  to  1789," 
Bulletin  of  the  New  York  Public  Library,  xlvii  (1943),  569-580. 

"The  Philadelphia  Bibliographical  Center,"  [British]  fournal  of  Documen- 
tation, I  (1945),  21-25. 

Articles  on  the  history  of  libraries  in  Germany,  Austria,  Switzerland, 
France,  Belgium,  and  the  Netherlands  in  the  Encyclopedia  Americana, 
1946. 

"Hieronymous  Bononiensis'  Carmen  in  primi  impressoris  commenda- 
tionem,  Treviso,  1477,"  [University  of  Pennsylvania]  The  Library 
Chronicle,  xiv  (1947),  17-20. 

"University  of  Pennsylvania  In-Service  Training  Program,"  College  and 
Research  Libraries,  viii  (1947),  126-128  (with  Charles  W.  David,  Doro- 
thy Bemis,  Arthur  T,  Hamlin). 

[  140  ] 


"A  Cumulative  World  Thesaurus,"  [British]  Journal  of  Documentation,  iii 
(1947),  43-45  (with  Charles  W.  David). 

"A  Friesian  Collection,"  [University  of  Pennsylvania]  The  Library  Chron- 
icle, XV  (1948),  32-33- 

"The  Art  of  Selling  Books:  Notes  on  Three  Aldus  Catalogues,  1586- 
1592,"  Papers  of  the  Bibliographical  Society  of  the  University  of  Virginia 
[Studies  in  Bibliography],  i  (1948),  83-101. 

"The  In-Service  Training  Program  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 
Library,"  College  and  Research  Libraries,  x  (1949),  108-112. 

"The  Invention  of  Printing  and  the  Diffusion  of  Alchemical  and  Chemical 
Knowledge,"  Chymia,  iii  (1950),  115-141. 

"Union  List  of  Microfilms,"  American  Documentation,  i  (1950),  88-90. 

"A  Selective  Check  List  of  Bibliographical  Scholarship  for  i949-[63]," 
[annual]  Part  I.  Incunabula  and  Early  Renaissance,  Studies  in  Bibliog- 
raphy, III  (1950),  293-295;  IV  (1951),  217-223;  v  (1952),  211-216;  VI 
(1953),  266-272;  VII  (1955),  219-226;  VIII  (1956),  250-256;  X  (1957), 
repr.  of  check  lists  for  1949-54,  1955,  1-107;  Series  B:  xi  (1958),  269- 
278;  XII  (1959),  234-241;  XIII  (i960),  262-271;  XIV  (1961),  263-271; 
XV  (1962),  279-289;  XVI  (1963),  245-256;  xvn  (1964),  229-238. 

"The  Future  of  Research  Libraries,"  [University  of  Pennsylvania]  The 
Library  Chronicle,  xvii  (1950),  38-42. 

"Importation  of  Foreign  Monographs  under  the  Early  Influence  of  the 
Farmington  Plan,"  College  and  Research  Libraries,  xi  (1950),  101-105 
(with  Charles  W.  David). 

Editor:  Changing  Patterns  of  Scholarship  and  the  Future  of  Research  Libraries: 
A  Symposium  in  Celebration  of  the  200th  Anniversary  of  the  Establishment  of 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library.  Philadelphia,  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania Press,  1951,  X,  133  pp. 

"The  Duke  Addresses  His  Subjects:  A  Study  in  Propaganda,  1514,"  The 
Library  Quarterly,  xxii  (1952),  208-213. 

"The  First  Printed  Protestant  "Eheordnung'  [1534-36],"  Gutenberg  Jahr- 
buch  igs3,  pp.  96-97. 

"An  Undescribed  Printed  Poster  of  1516,"  Papers  of  the  Bibliographical 
Society  of  America,  xlviii  (1954),  414-416. 

"Cooperation  and  Planning  from  the  Regional  Viewpoint,"  Library 
Trends,  in  (1955),  356-375  (with  Charles  W.  David). 

[  141  ] 


"Pre-Reformation  Censorship  of  Printed  Books,"  [University  of  Penn- 
sylvania] The  Library  Chronicle,  xxi  (1955),  100-105. 

"Bueve  de  Hantone  (An  addition  to  Gesanitkatalog  5716-17,  Italian  Edi- 
tions with  Supplement),"  Papers  of  the  Bibliographical  Society  of  America, 
L  (1956),  379- 

"The  Divided  Catalogue  .  .  .  [Section]:  Historical  Resume  and  Implica- 
tions of  the  Literature,"  ed.  Kay  Harris  and  Audrey  Smith,  in  Library 
Resources  and  Technical  Service,  i  (1957),  21-22. 

"The  Size  of  Editions  of  Books  Produced  by  Sweynheim  and  Pannartz 
between  1465  and  1471,"  Gutenberg  Jahrbuch  1957,  pp.  46-47. 

Selective  Check  Lists  of  Bibliographical  Scholarship  ig4g-ig3$,  from  Studies  in 
Bibliography,  x  (1957),  viii,  192  pp.  (with  Howell  J.  Heaney). 

"Two  Meisterlieder  on  the  Art  of  Writing  (and  Printing):  Daniel  Holz- 
man  and  Georg  Miller,"  Gutenberg  fahrbuch  1958,  pp.  178-182. 

"The  Decoration  of  the  i486  Book  Wrapper  and  Its  Reappearance  in 
1531,"  Studies  in  the  Renaissance,  vi  (1959),  167-174. 

"Evaluation  of  Book  Collections,"  in  Library  Evaluation,  ed.  Wayne  S. 
Yenawine,  Frontiers  of  Librarianship,  no.  2  (School  of  Library  Science, 
Syracuse  University,  1959),  pp.  7-20. 

"Thomas  Bartholin  and  the  Invention  of  Printing,"  Gutenberg  Jahrbuch 
i960,  pp.  308-309. 

"Printing  in  France  and  Humanism,"  The  Library  Quarterly,  xxx  (i960), 
111-123. 

"Librarians  as  Enemies  of  Books?"  The  Rub-Off,  xii  (1961),  2  pp. 

"The  Invention  of  Printing  in  German  Rhymed  Chronicles  of  the  Six- 
teenth Century,"  Gutenberg  Jahrbuch  1962,  pp.  113-116. 

"Georg  Wemher  and  Sigismund  von  Herberstein,"  Gutenberg  Jahrbuch 
1963,  pp.  120-121. 

"Gondi-Medici  Business  Records  in  the  Lea  Library  of  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania,"  Renaissance  News,  xvi  (1963),  11-14. 

"The  Printing  Tradition  of  Aeschylus,  Euripides,  Sophocles  and  Aris- 
tophanes," Gutenberg  Jahrbuch  1964,  pp.  138-146. 

Catalogue  of  Manuscripts  in  the  Libraries  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  to 
1800.  Philadelphia,  University  of  Pennsylvania  Press,  1965  (comp.  with 
Norman  P.  Zacour),  279  pp. 

[  142  ] 


"The  Peaceful  Revolution,"  in  Charles  Wendell  David:  Scholar,  Teacher, 
Librarian,  ed.  John  Beverly  Riggs.  Philadelphia,  1965  (contrib.  with 
Margaret  C.  Nolan),  pp.  25-34. 

"Nicholaus  Gerbel  and  His  Arrian,"  Gutenberg Jahrbuch  ig66,  pp.  192-194. 

Selective  Check  Lists  of  Bibliographical  Scholarship  Series  B  1936-1962.  Pub- 
lished for  The  Bibliographical  Society  of  the  University  of  Virginia, 
The  University  Press  of  Virginia,  Charlottesville,  1966,  247  pp.  (with 
Howell  J.  Heaney). 

Printing,  Selling  and  Reading,  1430-1330.  Wiesbaden,  Harrassowitz,  1967, 
165  pp. 

"Surgant's  List  of  Recommended  Books  for  Preachers  (1502-3),"  Renais- 
sance Quarterly,  xx  (1967),  199-216. 

"Notes  on  the  Alma  Mahler  Werfel  Collection,"  [University  of  Penn- 
sylvania] The  Library  Chronicle,  xxxv  (1969),  33-35  (with  Adolf  D. 
Klarmann). 

"Urbanus  Rhegius,  the  Author  of  an  Ars  Epistolaris?"  Gutenberg  Jahrbuch 
ig6g,  pp.  61-63. 

Catalogue  of  Manuscripts  in  the  Libraries  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  to 
1800.  Supplement  A.  [University  of  Pennsylvania]  The  Library  Chron- 
icle, xxxv-xxxvin  (1969-72). 

"Cicero,  De  Natura  Deorum:  The  First  Separate  Printing,  Leipzig,  n.d. 
(GW.6901),"  in  Essays  in  Honour  of  Victor  Scholderer,  ed.  Dennis  E. 
Rhodes.  Mainz,  Pressler,  1970,  pp.  196-200. 

"Medici-Gondi  Archive  II,"  Renaissance  Quarterly,  xxm  (1970),  150-152 
(with  Gino  Corti). 

"Felix  Reichmann:  Biographical  Notes"  [Section]:  Cornell  University 
Libraries  Bulletin,  Special  Issue,  June  (1970),  7-8. 

"Niccolo  Rossi,  Collector  of  Manuscripts  and  Printed  Books,"  Gutenberg 
Jahrbuch  igyi,  pp.  395-398. 

"Printing  and  the  Spread  of  Humanism  in  Germany,"  in  Renaissance  Men 
and  Ideas,  ed.  Robert  H.  Schwoebel.  New  York,  St.  Martin's  Press, 
1971,  pp-  24-37- 

"Bulla  super  Impressione  Librorum,"  Gutenberg  Jahrbuch  1973,  pp.  248- 
251. 

"Francesco  Petrarca's  'Griseldis'  in  Early  Printed  Editions,  ca.  1469-1520," 
Gutenberg  Jahrbuch  1974,  pp.  57-65. 

[143] 


Printing,  Selling  and  Reading,  14^0-1^30,  1967.  Rpt.  with  additions,  Wies- 
baden, Harrassowitz,  1974,  xvii,  165  pp. 

IN  press: 
"Bibliotheca,  Charte,  Instrumenta  Scriptoria:  A  Chapter  in  the  Latin- 
German  Vocabulary  of  Pinicianus  (1615),"  Bihliothek  und  Wissenschaft. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 

Peter  Schoeffer  of  Gernsheim  and  Mainz,  with  a  List  of  His  Surviving  Books 
and  Broadsides  by  Hellmut  Lehmann-Haupt,  Rochester,  N.Y.,  1950.  In: 
The  Library  Quarterly,  xxi  (1951),  228. 

Hundert  Jahre  Wittenherger  Bibeldruck,  1522-1626,  by  Dr.  Hans  Volz 
("Arbeiten  aus  der  Staats-  und  UniversitatsbibUothek  Gottingen,  Hain- 
bergschriften,"  n.f.  Bd.  1),  Gottingen,  1954.  In:  The  Library  Quarterly, 
XXV  (1955),  406-407. 

Die  Anfdnge  des  Kolner  Buchdrucks,  by  Severin  Corsten  ("Arbeiten  aus  deni 
Bibhothekar-Lehrinstitut  des  Landes  Nordrhein-Westfalen,"  Nr.  8), 
Cologne,  1955.  In:  The  Library  Quarterly,  xxvi  (1956),  139. 

Archivfiir  Geschichte  des  Buchwesens,  Bd.  1,  Frankfurt  a.M.,  1956.  In:  The 
Library  Quarterly,  xxvii  (1957),  129-130;  351-352. 

Library  Catalogues  of  the  English  Renaissance,  by  Sears  Jayne,  Berkeley, 
1956.  In:  Renaissance  News,  x  (1957),  203-204. 

Werden  und  Wesen  des  Hauses  R.  Oldenbourg,  MUnchen:  Ein  Geschichtlicher 
Uberblick,  1858-1958,  Munich,  1958,  and  Die  Geistesgeschichte  des  Verlags 
R.  Oldenbourg,  1858,  by  Manfred  Schroter,  Munich,  1958.  In:  The  Li- 
brary Quarterly,  xxix  (1959),  204-205. 

Libris  et  Litteris:  Festschrift  fiir  Herman  Tieman  zum  60.  Geburtstag,  Ham- 
burg, 1959.  In:  College  and  Research  Libraries,  xxi  (i960),  419-420. 

The  University  and  the  Press  in  Fifteenth-Century  Bologna,  by  Curt  F.  Biihler 
(Text  and  Studies  in  the  History  of  Mediaeval  Education,  no.  vii), 
Notre  Dame,  Ind.,  1958.  In:  Renaissance  News,  xiii  (i960),  145-147. 

Barthelemy  Berton,  1563-1573,  by  E.  Droz,  Geneva,  i960;  Les  Haultin,  1571- 
1623,  by  Louis  Desgraves,  Geneva,  i960;  La  veuve  Berton  etjean  Portau, 
1573-1589,  by  E.  Droz,  Geneva,  i960  [V imprimerie  a  La  Rochelle,  i-iii). 
Travaux  d'humanisme  et  Renaissance,  xxxiv.  In:  Renaissance  News, 
XIV  (1961),  110-111. 

[  144  ] 


Ausder  Welt  des  Bibliothekars:  Festschrift  fur  Rudolf Juchhoffzum  65.  Geburts- 
tag,  ed.  Kurt  Ohly  and  Werner  Krieg,  Cologne,  1961.  In:  The  Library 
Quarterly,  xxxii  (1962),  96-97. 

Geschichte  der  TextUberlieferung  der  antiken  und  mittelalterlichen  Literatur,  Bd. 
1,  Zurich,  1961.  In:  The  Library  Quarterly,  xxxiii  (1963),  284-285. 

A  Seventeenth-Century  View  of  European  Libraries:  Lomeiers  'De  bibliothe- 
cis,'  Chapter  X,  tr.  by  John  Warwick  Montgomery  (University  of 
CaHfomia  Pubhcations  in  Librarianship,  m),  Berkeley,  1962.  In:  The 
Library  Quarterly,  xxxiii  (1963),  223-224. 

Harvard  College  Library,  Department  of  Printing  and  Graphic  Arts, 
Catalogue  of  Books  and  Manuscripts,  Part  I:  French  16th  Century  Books, 
comp.  by  Ruth  Mortimer  under  the  supervision  of  Philip  Hofer  and 
William  A.  Jackson,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  1964.  2  vols.  In:  Renaissance 
News,  xvin  (1965),  148-150. 

Katalog  der  Abendldndischen  Handschriften  der  Osterreichischen  Nationalbiblio- 
thek,  by  Otto  Mazal  and  Franz  Unterkircher  ("Series  Nova,"  part  i), 
Vienna,  1965.  In:  The  Library  Quarterly,  xxxvi  (1966),  349. 

Problems  and  Policies  of  Malesherbes  as  Directeur  de  la  Librairie  in  France 
[17^0-1763),  by  Edward  P.  Shaw,  Albany,  N.Y.,  1966.  In:  The  Library 
Quarterly,  xxxvii  (1967),  233-234. 

hnprimeurs  et  librairies  Parisiens  du  XVI^  siecle  vol.  I,  Abada-Avril,  by 
Philippe  Renouard  (Histoire  generale  de  Paris,  Collection  des  docu- 
ments), Paris,  1964.  In:  Modern  Philology,  lxiv  (1967),  389-390. 

La  Correspondance  de  Juste  Lipse  conservee  au  Musee  Plantin-Moretus.  Intro- 
duction, correspondance  et  commentaire,  documents,  bibliographie,  par  Alois 
Gerlo  et  Hendrik  D.  L.  Vervliet,  avec  la  collaboration  d'Irene  Vertes- 
sent,  Antwerp,  1967.  In:  Renaissance  Quarterly,  xxi  (1968),  469-470. 

Petrarch:  Four  Dialogues  for  Scholars,  ed.  and  tr.  by  Conrad  Rawski,  Cleve- 
land, 1967.  In:  The  Library  Quarterly,  xxxviii  (1968),  202-203. 

Die  Deutschen  Inkunabeldrucker:  Ein  Handbuch  der  Deutschen  Buchdrucker, 
Bd.  1,  by  Ferdinand  Geldner,  Stuttgart,  1968.  In:  The  Library  Quarterly, 
XXXIX  (1969),  284-286;  and  Bd.  11,  1970,  The  Library  Quarterly,  xlii 
(1972),  277-278. 

Der  gegenwdrtige  Stand  der  Gutenberg-Forschung  (Bibliothek  des  Buch- 
wesens,  1),  ed.  Hans  Widmann,  Stuttgart,  1972.  In:  The  Library  Quar- 
terly, XLUi  (1973),  418-420. 


[145] 


THE  LIBRARY 
CHRONICLE 


Rittenhoiise  Orrery 


Friends  of  the  Library 
UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 


CONTENTS 


VOLUME   XL    ■    WINTER    I976    •    NUMBER   2 

The  Library's  Indie  Manuscript  Collection  151 

STEPHAN   HILLYER   LEVITT 

Manuscripts  and  Printed  Books  from  Six  Centuries,  162 

1000-1600:  An  Exhibition,  February  15  -  April  15,  1975 

LYMAN   W.    RILEY 

Italian  Plays  Printed  before  1701  in  the  University  Library  178 

M.    A.    SHAABER 

A  Library  for  Parliament  in  the  Early  Seventeenth  Century        204 

ELIZABETH   READ   FOSTER 

To  "The  Assignation"  from  "The  Visionary"  (Part  Two):         221 
The  Revisions  and  Related  Matters 

BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN   FISHER   IV 

Dreiser  to  Sandburg:  Three  Unpublished  Letters  252 

ROBERT    CARRINGER  and   SCOTT   BENNETT 


For  some  years  the  printed  date  of  publication  of  The  Library  Chronicle,  on  the  cover 
and  elsewhere,  has  been  sometliing  over  a  year  earlier  than  the  date  of  actual  publica- 
tion. We  are  now  bringing  these  dates  more  into  line  with  the  times  of  appearance  of 
the  journal.  The  volume  and  issue  numbers,  however,  will  remain  in  an  unbroken 
series.  Volume  XL,  number  1,  is  now  followed  by  volume  XL,  number  2.  The  dates, 
however,  have  been  advanced;  so  that,  while  volume  XL,  number  1,  was  shown  as 
appearing  in  Winter,  1974,  volume  XL,  number  2,  now  appears  with  the  date  Win- 
ter, 1976.  Volume  XLI,  number  1,  will  be  dated  Spring,  1976,  and  so  on. 

Published  semiannually  by  the  Friends  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library. 
Subscription  rate,  $6.00  for  non-members.  §  Articles  and  notes  of  bibliographic  and 
bibliophile  interest  are  invited.  Contributions  should  be  submitted  to  William  E. 
Miller,  Editor,  The  Library  Chronicle,  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library,  Philadel- 
phia, Pennsylvania  19174. 


The  Library's  Indie  Manuseript  Colleetion 

STEPHAN  HILLYER  LEVITT* 

DURING  the  past  two  and  a  half  years  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania Library  has  added  to  its  already  sizable  Indie  manu- 
script collection  121  additional  manuscripts  and  two  bundles  contain- 
ing miscellaneous  and  unidentified  Sanskrit  manuscript  fragments  and 
several  unidentifiable  Sanskrit  manuscripts.  This  brings  the  total 
of  accession  numbers  for  the  Indie  manuscripts  now  held  by  the 
Library  to  2,997. 

The  actual  number  of  manuscripts  held  is  problematic  as  some- 
times discrete  sections  of  the  same  manuscript  are  wrapped  separately 
as  individual  manuscripts,  while  on  the  other  hand  discrete  manu- 
scripts are  sometimes  wrapped  together  under  the  same  accession 
number.  Rarely  it  occurs  also  that  an  accession  number  has  been 
omitted  from  series,  the  manuscript  numbers  reading  1,  2,  3,  5,  6,  7, 
etc.  Also  rarely,  one  number  has  been  used  twice,  in  which  case  ".1" 
and  ".2"  are  added  after  the  number. 

The  actual  number  of  texts  which  these  manuscripts  contain  is  ap- 
proximately 3,300,  not  including  the  two  miscellaneous  bundles, 
mainly  of  scraps,  noted  above.  The  greater  number  results  in  large 
part  from  the  existence  in  the  collection  of  manuscripts  which  are 
compendiums  of  many  different  discrete  texts,  often  related  in  some 
fashion.  But  it  is  also  due  partly  to  single  manuscripts  being  com- 
prised of  more  than  one  text,  for  whatever  reasons  may  have  led  to 
such  situations.  Such  are  not  uncommon  with  Indie  manuscripts. 

The  manuscripts  which  have  now  been  added  have  been  obtained 
from  several  sources  over  a  long  period  of  time.  A  few  have  come 
from  the  estate  of  the  late  Professor  Maurice  Bloomfield.  Several 
were  once  housed  in  the  Library  of  the  American  Philosophical  So- 
ciety. Some  were  part  of  the  Ritchie  bequest  of  1928,  which  manu- 
scripts never  found  a  place  with  the  other  manuscripts  of  the  collec- 
tion. Several  which  were  bound  were  previously  in  the  general  stacks 
of  the  Library.  One  was  catalogued  among  the  rare  books  in  the 
Rare  Book  Room.  By  far  the  largest  number,  however,  are  the  result 

*  Visiting  Assistant  Professor  of  Anthropology,  University  of  Denver. 

[   151    ] 


of  a  donation  made  by  Pandit  V.  V,  Sharma  of  Trivandrum,  Kerala 
State,  India,  to  the  United  States  via  the  U.S.I.S.  for  the  purpose  of 
being  given  for  housing  to  a  worthy  American  institution.  Another 
group  of  manuscripts  which  is  unique  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
collection  was  donated  by  Mr.  John  Lester  of  Haverford  College  and 
was,  until  now,  housed  temporarily  in  the  Rare  Book  Room. 

Many  of  these  manuscripts  are  very  important  and  stand  out  as 
such.  One  is  a  rare  palm  leaf  manuscript  which  treats  the  life  of 
the  great  Vedanta philosopher  Samkara,  titled  Satjikaracdryacarita.  An- 
other is  that  of  the  Grhyakarika  by  Renukacarya,  a  rare  manuscript 
which  comes  to  us  from  Professor  Bloomfield's  estate.  The  many 
manuscripts  on  Nyaya  philosophy  written  in  Bengali  script  may 
prove  to  be  exceedingly  useful  to  students  as  they  contain  marginal 
comments  usually  in  Tamil  Grautha  script  and  rarely  in  Telugu 
script.  These  comments  may  provide  valuable  information  on  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  between  Nyaya  schools.  Important  from  another 
point  of  view,  that  of  the  historian  studying  the  spread  of  Western 
civilization  to  South  Asia,  is  a  Sinhalese  manuscript  narrating  the  life 
of  Jesus  Christ.  This  is  in  the  form  of  a  sanna,  giving  Pali  text  in  a 
word-for-word  translation  into  Sinhalese.  Also  important  are  manu- 
scripts of  works  by  the  Vedanta  philosopher  Jayatirtha  as  these  are 
the  only  representatives  of  this  author's  works  in  the  United  States, 
as  recorded  in  Poleman's  Census  of  Indie  Manuscripts} 

The  present  additions  also  bring  to  the  Library's  collection  ex- 
amples of  materials  previously  unrepresented.  Ten  of  the  manu- 
scripts are  in  Sinhalese.  One  is  in  Pali  written  in  Sinhalese  script  with 
a  Sinhalese  commentary.  The  Library's  previous  holdings  contain 
Sinhalese  script  manuscripts,  but  these  are  all  in  Sanskrit  and  are  al- 
most if  not  entirely  all  on  architecture,  coming  from  the  collection 
of  the  late  Dr.  Ananda  K.  Coomaraswamy.  Twenty-seven  of  the 
manuscripts  are  Southeast  Asian,  representing  manuscripts  from 
Burma,  Thailand,  Laos,  Cambodia,  and  Bali.  Previously  the  Li- 
brary's collection  had  no  Southeast  Asian  manuscripts.  Among  the 
manuscripts  from  Burma  is  one  in  Shan  script  from  northern  Burma. 
This  is  perhaps  unique  in  the  United  States  as  no  Shan  manuscripts 
were  recorded  by  Poleman  in  his  census.  Most  of  the  Southeast 
Asian  manuscripts,  as  is  the  case  with  the  Sinhalese  manuscripts,  are 
Buddhist — both  canonical  and  non-canonical.  One  of  extreme  in- 

[152] 


terest  contains  the  records  of  a  Buddhist  temple  in  Burma.  There  are, 
however,  non-Buddhist  works  among  these  manuscripts,  such  as  an 
order  from  a  mininster  of  a  Thai  king — perhaps  identifiable  as  King 
Rama  III,  who  ruled  between  1824  and  1851 — to  a  provincial  minis- 
ter named  Can  Wat,  and  a  text  of  Book  6  of  the  Thai  novel  Phra 
Aphaimani  by  Sunthgn  Phu. 

During  the  academic  year  1971-1972  this  new  material  was  cata- 
logued and  the  entire  collection  was  recatalogued  with  more  detail 
than  that  given  by  Poleman  in  his  census  by  myself  and  Lois  Rothen- 
heber,  a  doctoral  candidate  in  the  Department  of  Oriental  Studies  at 
the  University.  Miss  Rothenheber  is  responsible  for  cataloguing  ap- 
proximately 1,200  of  the  items,  and  I  assume  responsibility  for 
approximately  2,100.  The  new  cataloguing  includes  a  detailed  phys- 
ical description  of  each  manuscript  and  corrections  to  Poleman's 
initial  listing,  when  such  proved  to  be  necessary.  I  must  note  that 
many  of  the  errors  in  Poleman's  work,  though  not  all,  are  due  to 
typographical  or  clerical  mistakes.  Some  are  of  major  importance, 
however,  such  as  the  listing  of  some  of  the  Library's  manuscripts  as 
being  in  Harvard  University  Library,  thereby  making  it  totally 
impossible  for  anyone  to  retrieve  for  study  the  manuscripts  so  listed. 

The  project  was  funded  by  the  Institute  for  Advanced  Studies  of 
World  Religions,  which  intends  to  publish  the  catalogue  together 
with  microfiche  copies  of  the  first  and  last  folios  of  each  text.  This 
will  provide  interested  scholars  with  both  the  means  with  which  to 
check  the  first  and  last  lines  of  each  text  and  a  source  book  for  an 
introductory  study  of  Indie  paleography.  Presently,  the  Institute  for 
Advanced  Studies  of  World  Religions  is  filming  the  entire  collection 
and  putting  it  in  microfiche  form.  The  Library  will  have  a  copy  of 
the  collection  in  this  form,  as  will  the  Institute.  In  this  way  it  will  be 
possible  to  obtain  copies  of  the  manuscripts  inexpensively  from 
either  the  Institute  for  Advanced  Studies  of  World  Religions  or  the 
Library.  When  this  is  done,  it  will  also  be  possible  to  catalogue  some 
of  the  Southeast  Asian  manuscripts  more  accurately,  as  microfiche 
copies  of  the  texts  can  be  forwarded  to  scholars  whose  services  are 
otherwise  unavailable. 

The  permanent  storage  of  the  manuscripts  remains  a  problem,  but 
different  alternatives  are  presently  being  examined  by  one  of  the 
associate  directors  of  the  Library,  Mr.  Bernard  Ford. 

[153  ] 


Below  is  a  list  of  the  manuscripts  not  listed  in  Poleman's  Census  of 
Indie  Manuscripts  which  have  been  added  to  the  collection.  An  asterisk 
before  a  title  indicates  that  the  text  is  not  listed  by  Poleman  as  being 
represented  in  manuscript  form  elsewhere  in  the  United  States.  The 
title  of  a  text,  when  identified,  is  followed  by  its  author  if  known; 
the  language  which  the  text  is  in,  unless  the  text  is  in  Sanskrit;  and  a 
categorization  rubric  according  with  those  given  by  Poleman  to 
other  hidic  manuscripts  in  his  Census  of  Indie  Manuscripts.  The  script 
which  the  manuscript  is  written  in  follows  in  parentheses  if  it  is  in 
other  than  Devanagari  script.  A  title  in  brackets  indicates  either  that 
the  title  was  not  given  in  the  text  or  that  the  title  given  was  not  that 
by  which  the  text  is  generally  known.  In  this  latter  case  the  proper 
title  is  in  brackets,  with  the  name  of  the  text  in  the  manuscript  fol- 
lowing after  a  period. 

A  few  credits  for  these  identifications  are  deserved.  The  Burmese 
script  manuscripts  were  identified  by  Dr.  La  Raw  Maran  of  the 
University  of  Illinois.  Mr.  Prabas  Kanchanadul  of  the  United  States 
Foreign  Service  Institute  identified  the  Thai  manuscripts.  The  Ben- 
gali script  manuscripts  were  identified  with  the  aid  of  Mr.  Sujit 
Purkayastha.  And  identifications  of  the  Sinhalese  script  manuscripts 
which  were  together  with  the  manuscripts  were  checked  and  ex- 
panded on  by  Amaradasa  Virasinha,  an  accomplished  doctoral  can- 
didate in  the  Folklore  Department  at  the  University. 

NOTE 

1 .  Horace  I.  Poleman,  A  Census  of  Indie  Manuscripts  in  the  United  States  and  Canada, 
American  Oriental  Series,  vol.  13  (New  Haven,  Cormecticut:  American 
Oriental  Society,  1938). 

2877  Dharmapradipika,  by  Gurujugomi.  Sinhalese.  Buddhist,  Commen- 
tary. (Sinhalese  script.) 

2878  Mahasatippatthanasutta,  from  the  Majjhimanikaya  or  the  Suttapi- 
tika,  with  Sinhalese  commentary.  Pali.  Buddhist  canon,  text  and 
commentary.  (Sinhalese  script.) 

2879  *Treatise  on  Veterinary  Medicine  and  Surgery.  Sinhalese.  Medicine. 
(Sinhalese  script.) 

[154] 


2880  Miscellaneous.  Sanna  (word-by-word  rendering)  of  various  Pali 
Suttas.  Sinhalese.  Buddhist.  (Sinhalese  script.) 

2881  *Satipatthanasanna.  Sinhalese.  Buddhist.  (Sinhalese  script.) 

2882  *Silavansajataka,  Nimijataka,  Golakathava,  and  other  stories.  Sin- 
halese. Buddhist.  (Sinhalese  script.) 

2883  *Miscellaneous.  Sanna  (word-by-word  rendering)  of  a  Pali  work 
dealing  with  the  life  of  Jesus  Christ.  Sinhalese.  Miscellaneous.  (Sin- 
halese script.) 

2884  *Miscellaneous.  The  main  work  was  written  in  1881  and  deals  with 
the  story  of  a  monk  called  Maliyadeva  Thera  and  a  lay  disciple 
named  Sulugala.  The  manuscript  also  contains  the  Sattasuriyugga- 
manasutta  in  Sinhalese  and  some  other  extracts.  Sinhalese.  Buddhist. 
(Sinhalese  script.) 

2885  *Silaparicchedaya,  by  Allekumbure  Sumana  Thera.  Sinhalese.  Bud- 
dhist. (Sinhalese  script.) 

2886  *Suttanipatasannaya.  Sinhalese.  Buddhist.  (Sinhalese  script.) 

2887  *Butsarana,  by  Vidyacakravarti.  Sinhalese.  Miscellaneous.  (Sinha- 
lese script.) 

2888  *[Nyayakalpalata],  by  Jayatirtha.  Philosophy,  Vedanta. 

2889  *Commentary  on  the  Kathalaksana  of  Anandatirtha,  by  Jayatirtha. 
Philosophy,  Vedanta,  Commentary. 

2890  *Commentary  on  the  Prapaiicamithyatvanumanakhandana  of  An- 
andatirtha, by  Jayatirtha.  Philosophy,  Vedanta,  Commentary. 

2891  *Commentary  on  the  Karmanirnaya  of  Anandatirtha,  by  Jayatirtha. 
Philosophy,  Vedanta,  Commentary. 

2892  *Commentary  on  the  Visnutattvanirnaya  of  Anandatirtha,  by  Jaya- 
tirtha. Philosophy,  Vedanta,  Commentary. 

2893  *Sarrikaracaryacarita.  Philosophy,  Vedanta,  Commentary.  (Malaya- 
lam  script.) 

2894  Jagadisi,  several  sections,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub- 
commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

2895  *Vyaptyanugamasiromani(-didhiti),  by  Raghunatha  Siromani. 
Philosophy,  Nyaya. 

[155  ] 


2896  *[Paraskaragrhyakarika].    Grhyakarika,    by    Renukacarya.    Veda, 
Sutra,  Commentary, 

2897  [HarivanSa],  by  Mahadeva  Pandita.  Epic. 

2898  *Pancapaksisastra  and  assorted  Jyotija  fragments  in  Sanskrit  and 
Tamil.  TamiL  Jyotisa.  (Tamil  script.) 

2899  Vastulak§ana.  Architecture.  {Grantha  script.) 

-.    2900  Rgvedapadapatha,  Astaka  2,  section  only.  Veda,  Rgvcda. 

"    2901  Rgvedasarnhita,  Mandala  10,  Sukta  12,  end  to  Mandala  10,  Siikta  18. 
Veda,  Rgveda. 

2902  *Pancayatanapujana.  Religious  law. 

2903  [Godanavidhi].  Godana.  Religious  law. 

2904  Unidentified  Dharmasastra  text.  Religious  law. 

2905  [Amarakosa],  section  only,  by  Amarasinha.  Lexicons. 

2906  [Sraddhaprayoga].  Religious  law. 

2907  A  brahmayajna.  Religious  law. 

2908  [Kiratarjuniya],  beginning  only,  by  Bharavi.  Romances,  fables,  and 
tales  (Kavya,  Campu,  and  Gadya). 

2909  Unidentified  Tantra  text  spoken  by  Markandeya.  Tantra.  (Bengali 
script.) 

2910  Unidentified  Tantra  text  spoken  by  Markandeya.  Tantra.  (Bengali 

script.) 

*-   2911   [Madhaviyavedarthaprakasa].Vedarthaprakasa,Yajuraranyaka,  Pra- 
pathaka  1,  Anuvaka  1-2,  by  Sayana.  Veda,  Rgveda,  Commentary. 

2912  Alarnkaracandrika,  by  Vaidyanatha.  Alarnkarasastra,  Commentary. 

2913  Kuvalayananda,   by   Appayya   Diksita.   AlarnkaraSastra.    {Grantha 
script.) 

2914  [Sarnkhyavrttisara],  by  Mahadeva  Vedantin.  Philosophy,  Samkhya, 
Commentary. 

2915  Rajamartanda,  by  Bhojadeva.  Philosophy,  Yoga,  Commentary. 

2916  Sarasvatiprakriya,    by    Anubhiitisvarupa.    Grammar.    (Devanagart 
lithoprint.) 

[156  ] 


2917  *[Jagadisi],  Paksatarahasya,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub- 
commentary. 

2918  *Caturdasalaksanyanugama.  Philosophy,  Nyaya. 

2919  Taittiriyopanijad.  Veda,  Unpanisad. 

2920  *[Visayatavadartha].  Philosophy,  Nyaya  (?). 

2921  *Mithyatvakhandana,  by  a  Madhva  writer.  Philosophy,  Vedanta. 

2922  (Part  1)  *Miscellaneous.  Two  short  hymns  on  Rama,  by  Ramacand- 
rendra  (or  Upanisad  Brahmayogin).  Stotra. 

2922  (Part  2)    *Tattvarn  Padagalaksyarthasatarn,  by  Ramacandrendra 
(or  Upani§ad  Brahmayogin).  Stotra. 

2923  *Kalipaddhati.  Tantra,  ^aiva  and  Spanda. 

2924  [Tattvacintamanididhiti].  Anumanamanididhiti,  by  Siromani.  Phi- 
losophy, Nyaya,  Commentary. 

2925  *Samsayanirukti.  Philosophy,  Nyaya  (?). 

2926  Devimahatmya,  section  only,  from  the  Markandeyapurana.  Purana. 

2927  *Mithyatvaniruktibhaiiga.  Philosophy,  Vaisesika. 

2928  *^yamarahasya,  by  Piirnananda  Paramahansa.  Tantra,  Saiva,  and 
Spanda. 

2930  *Linarthavicara.  Vyakarana. 

2931  [Sarngraharamayana]  or  [Ramayanasarngraha]  from  Balakhanda  of 
the  Ramayana,  Canto  1,  ascribed  to  Valmiki.  Epic. 

2932  *[Caturmatasarasanigraha].    MatacatustayasaraleSa,    by    Appayya 
Diksita.  Philosophy,  Vedanta. 

2933  An  unidentified  Navya-Nyaya  work.  Philosophy,  Nyaya.  {Gran- 
tha  script.) 

2934  Jagadisi,  Samanya,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-commen- 
tary. (Bengali  script.) 

2935  Jagadisi,  Avacchedakanirukti,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub- 
commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

2936  Jagadisi,   Samanyabhava,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,   Nyaya,   Sub- 
commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

[  157  ] 


2937  JagadiSi,  Vyadhikaranadharmavacchinnabhavatika,  by  Jagadisa.  Phi- 
losophy, Nyaya,  Sub-commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

2938  *[Atmatattvavivcka].  Bauddhadliikara,  by  Udayanacarya.  Philoso- 
phy, Vaisesika.  (Bengali  script.) 

2939  Jagadisi,  Siddhanta,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-commen- 
tary. (Bengali  script.) 

2940  *Kevalanvayi,  by  Gadadhara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya.  (Bengali  script.) 

2941  Samanyabhavarahasya,  by  Gadadhara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya.  (Bengali 
script.) 

2942  JagadiSi,  Avacchedaka,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-com- 
mentary. (Bengali  script.) 

2943  Jagadisi,  Visesa  (from  Avacchedaka  ?),  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy, 
Nyaya,  Sub-commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

2944  *Jagadisi,  Paksata  (from  the  Avacchedaka  ?),  by  Jagadisa.  Philoso- 
phy, Nyaya,  Sub-commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

2945  Jagadisi,  Avacchedakanirukti,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub- 
commentary.  {Grantha  script.) 

2946  Savyabhicara,  by  Gadadhara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-commen- 
tary. (Bengali  script.) 

2947  Jagadisi,  Siddhanta,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-commen- 
tary. (Bengali  script.) 

2948  *Jagadisi.  Four  topics,  including  Visesa  and  Vyaptigraha,  by  Jaga- 
disa. Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

2949  Gadadhari,  Paksata,  by  Gadadhara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-com- 
mentary. (Bengali  script.) 

2950  Gadadhari,  Anumiti,  by  Gadadhara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-com- 
mentary. (Bengali  script.) 

2951  *Gadadhari.  Three  sections,  including  Vyaptigraha,  by  Gadadhara. 
Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

2952  Gadadhari,  Avayava,  by  Gadadhara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-com- 
mentary. (Bengali  script.) 

2953  *Jagadisi,  Paksata,  by  JagadiSa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-commen- 
tary. (Bengali  script.) 

[158] 


2954  *Jagadi§i,  Pakjata,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-commen- 
tary. (BengaH  script.) 

2955  *Jagadisi,  Paksatarahasya,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub- 
commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

2956  *[Nyayakusumaiijalikarikavyakhya],  by  Haridasabhattacarya.  Phi- 
losophy, Nyaya,  Commentary.  (Bengali  script.) 

2957  Jagadisi,  Sabda^aktiprakasika,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub- 
commentary.  (Bengah  script.) 

2958  *[Vyutpativada].  Prathamavyutpativada,  by  Gadadhara.  Philoso- 
phy, Nyaya.  (Bengali  script.) 

2959  Jagadisi,  Saktivada,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-commen- 
tary. (Bengali  script.) 

2960  Jagadisi,  Avacchedaka,  by  Jagadisa.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-com- 
mentary. (Bengali  script.) 

2961  *Vidhiprakramavicara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya.  (Bengali  script.) 

2962  Gadadhari,  Samanya,  by  Gadadhara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-com- 
mentary. (Bengali  script.) 

2963  [Gadadhari],  Paksata,  by  Gadadhara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-com- 
mentary. (Bengali  script.) 

2964  Gadadhari,  Samanya,  by  Gadadhara.  Philosophy,  Nyaya,  Sub-com- 
mentary. (Bengali  script.) 

2965  Unidentified  fragments. 

2966  Unidentified  fragments  and  texts. 

2967  *Treatise  on  Medical  Diagnosis  and  the  Compounding  of  Prescrip- 
tions by  Apothecaries.  Burmese.  Medicine.  (Burmese  script.) 

2968  Unidentified  texts.  Shan  (?).  Topics  unidentified.  (Shan  and  Bur- 
mese scripts.) 

2969  *Kaiikha-atta-katha-padha.  Pali.   Non-canonical  Buddhist.    (Bur- 
mese script.) 

2970  *Sandhi-nissya.  Burmese.  Miscellaneous.  (Burmese  script.) 

2971  Unidentified  Buddhist  text.  Pali.  Unidentified  Buddhist.  (Burmese 
square  script.) 

[  159  ] 


2972  Unidentified  Buddhist  text.  Pali.  Unidentified  Buddhist.  (Burmese 
square  script.) 

2973  *Thika-kyau-nissya  (?),  by  Saya  Lang.  Burmese.  Miscellaneous  and 
unidentified  Buddhist.  (Burmese  script.) 

2974  *Records  of  Ywa-taung  Temple.  Burmese.  Miscellaneous.  (Bur- 
mese script.) 

2975  (Part  1)  Unidentified  Buddhist  manuscript.  Pali.  Unidentified  Bud- 
dhist. (Burmese  square  script.) 

2975  (Part  2)  Unidentified  Buddhist  manuscript.  Pali.  Unidentified  Bud- 
dhist. (Burmese  square  script.) 

2976  [Samantapasadika].  Parajika-atthakatha,  volume  2,  by  Buddhagosa. 
Pali.  Vinayapitaka,  Commentary.  (Burmese  script.) 

2977  *Vinaya-san-khruih-kyam,  Aup  1.  Burmese.  Miscellaneous.  (Bur- 
mese script.) 

2978  Unidentified  Buddhist  text.  Pali.  Unidentified  Buddhist.  (Burmese 
square  script.) 

2979  Unidentified  Buddhist  text.  Pali  and/or  Khmer.  Unidentified  Bud- 
dhist. (Camdobian  Mid  script.) 

2980  Unidentified  Buddhist  text.  Pali  and/or  Khmer.  Unidentified  Bud- 
dhist. (Cambodian  Mm/  script.) 

2981  Unidentified  Buddhist  text.  Khmer.  Unidentified  Buddhist.  (Cam- 
bodian Cricn  script.) 

2982  Unidentified  Buddhist  text.  Pali.  Unidentified  Buddhist.  (Lao  Tham 
script.) 

2983  Unidentified  Balinese  text.  Balinese.  Epic.  (Balinese  script.) 

2984  Unidentified  Balinese  picture  manuscript.  Balinese.  Epic.  (Balinese 
script.) 

2985  Mahabharata,  Introductory  section.  Telugu.  Epic.  (Telugu  script.) 

2986  *Small  Tamil  teaching  text.  Tamil.  Miscellaneous.  (Tamil  script.) 

2987  [Section  of  Abhidhammapitaka  (?)].  Pali.  Buddhist  canon.  (Bur- 
mese script.) 

2988  Unidentified  Buddhist  fragment.  Pali  and/or  Khmer.  Unidentified 
Buddhist.  (Cambodian  Miil  script.) 

[  160  ] 


2989  Unidentified  Buddhist  text.  Pali  and/or  Khmer.  Unidentified  Bud- 
dhist. (Cambodian  Mm/  script.) 

2990  Unidentified  Jyotisa  text.  Thai.  Jyoti§a.  (Thai  script.) 

2991  Order  from  a  Minister  of  King  Rama  III  (? — fl.  1824-1851)  to  Gov- 
ernor Can  Wat.  (Thai  script.) 

2992  Phra  Aphaimani,  Book  6,  by  SunthQn  Phu.  Thai.  Tales.   (Thai 
script.) 

2993  Unidentified  text,  Burmese.  Unidentified.  (Burmese  script.) 

2994  Unidentified  Buddhist  text.  Pali.  Unidentified  Buddhist.  (Burmese 
script.) 

2995  [Kathakagrhyasutrabha§ya].  Devapalabha§ya,  by  Devapala,  son  of 
Haripala.  Veda,  Sutra,  Commentary. 

»^2996  *Atharvanaparisi§ta  (=Atharvaparisista  ?).  Veda,  Atharvaveda,  Sup- 
plementary texts. 

%     2997  *Pari§istanukramanika,  Purvardha  and  Uttarardha.  Veda,  Atharva- 
veda, Supplementary  texts. 


[161   ] 


Manuscripts  and  Printed  Books  from 

Six  Centuries,  1 000-1600 

An  Exhibition,  February  15 -April  15,  1975 

LYMAN  W.  RILEY* 


SINCE  the  late  1940's  the  special  collections  in  the  Library 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  have  shown  a  remarkable 
growth.  There  are  today  about  125,000  volumes  altogether  in  the 
Rare  Book  Collection,  the  Henry  Charles  Lea  Library  (medieval  and 
Renaissance  history),  the  Horace  Howard  Furness  Memorial  Library 
(Shakespeare),  and  the  Edgar  Fahs  Smith  Memorial  Collection  in 
the  History  of  Chemistry.  More  than  half  of  these  volumes  are  in  the 
Rare  Book  Collection,  established  in  1946. 

More  important  than  the  increase  in  the  number  of  printed  books 
and  manuscripts,  however,  has  been  the  high  quality  of  the  items 
added  to  the  Library.  During  the  1950's  and  1960's  book  funds  were 
larger  than  in  previous  years;  this  was  also  a  time  when  books  and 
manuscripts  of  scholarly  value  were  still  reasonably  priced.  For  this 
period  the  Library  was  fortunate  to  have  a  knowledgeable  staff 
responsible  for  acquiring  good  research  material. 

The  key  figure  in  the  Library  during  this  period  was  Rudolf 
Hirsch,  Associate  Director  of  Libraries  and  now  Emeritus  Professor 
of  History.  The  exhibition  of  unique  or  exceptionally  rare  and  inter- 
esting items  described  below  was  in  large  measure  made  possible  by 
Mr.  Hirsch's  good  judgment  and  unparalleled  knowledge  of  the 
scholarly  book  trade.  Most  of  the  notes  on  the  manuscripts  below 
are  based  on  the  catalogue  of  the  University's  manuscripts  compiled 
by  Rudolf  Hirsch  and  Norman  Zacour  in  1965. 

Fifty  unusually  rare  pieces  were  chosen  from  the  Library's  col- 
lections for  this  occasion.  Some  are  unique,  others  nearly  so.  A 
manuscript  may  be  the  only  copy  or  one  of  three  or  four  surviving 
copies  of  a  particular  text.  Some  of  the  printed  books  are  described 
as  "the  only  one"  or  "one  of  two,"  etc.  This  is  probably  not  strictly 

*  Assistant  Director  of  Libraries  for  Special  Collections,  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

[162    ] 


true,  since  rarely  does  an  edition  of  a  printed  text  survive  in  only  one 
copy.  However,  if  a  book  is  not  found  listed  elsewhere  in  any  cata- 
logue or  specialized  study,  it  is  for  most  scholars  the  only  one.  Also,  a 
few  of  the  printed  books  here  have  interesting  manuscript  correc- 
tions or  additions,  which  make  them  of  even  greater  value. 

These  special  examples  from  the  medieval  and  Renaissance  periods 
do  not  stand  alone.  They  are  only  some  of  the  more  noteworthy 
parts  of  solid  collections  in  the  various  fields  represented  here.  A 
short-title  list  of  the  University's  holdings  of  sixteenth-century  im- 
prints compiled  by  M.  A.  Shaaber,  Emeritus  Professor  of  English  and 
Curator  of  the  Furness  Library,  which  will  be  published  in  the  spring 
of  1976,  contains  more  than  9,000  entries.  The  Lea  Library,  the  Rare 
Book  Collection,  and  the  Smith  Collection  together  have  almost 
2,000  pre-i8oo  text  manuscripts.  Now,  when  high  prices  of  books 
and  reduced  resources  of  libraries  combine  to  curtail  this  kind  of 
acquisition,  the  Library  has  outstanding  collections  upon  which  to 
build,  albeit  necessarily  with  less  vigor.  Purchases  on  a  modest  scale 
continue  to  be  made  from  funds  established  for  the  special  collec- 
tions, e.g.,  the  Craig  D.  Ritchie,  Amy  Comegys,  Gordon  Hardwick, 
E.  B.  Krumbhaar,  and  Friends  of  the  Library  Funds.  And  we  espe- 
cially note  that  numbers  8  and  37  below  were  acquired  in  1974 
through  the  generosity  of  the  Lessing  J.  and  Edith  Rosenwald 
Foundation. 

All  items  in  the  exhibition  have  been  acquired  within  the  past 
thirty  years.  Unless  otherwise  noted,  all  are  from  the  Rare  Book 
Collection. 

1.  The  oldest  manuscript  in  the  Library  is  a  document  issued  at 
Pavia  by  Otto  III,  Holy  Roman  Emperor,  on  July  10,  1000:  "Data 
VI  Id.  lul.  Anno  dominie^  incarnationis  M.  Indictione  XIII  anno 
Tercii  Ottonis  regni  XVII.  Imperii  V.  Actum  Papie."  The  diploma 
is  on  a  single  sheet  of  vellum;  44X  36  cm.;  it  was  issued  to  one  Adam, 
son  of  Teutio,  and  takes  him  under  imperial  protection  and  gives 
him  the  right  to  live  under  Roman  law.  The  document  has  been 
published  in  J.  F.  Bohmer,  Die  Regesten  des  Kaiserreiches  unter  Otto  III 
(1956),  no.  1386.  -  The  Henry  Charles  Lea  Library;  MS.Lea  27. 
(See  illustration.) 

2.  A  treatise  on  versification:  "Regulae  de  longis  et  brevibus  syl- 

[  163   ] 


labis,"  by  Tebaldus  Placentinus.  A  manuscript  of  thirteen  leaves,  in 
verse,  with  marginal  and  interlinear  commentary;  written  in  the  late 
twelfth  century.  Only  four  other  manuscripts  of  this  text  are  re- 
corded, none  as  nearly  complete  as  this  one.  Added  to  it  is  a  brief 
treatise  on  prosody.  On  vellum;  17)^  12  cm.  -  MS.Latin  152. 

3.  "Panormia,"  a  famous  collection  of  canon  law  by  Ivo,  bishop  of 
Chartres.  According  the  S.  de  Ricci's  Census  of  Medieval  and  Renais- 
sance Manuscripts  (1935),  Supplement  (1962),  this  is  the  only  manu- 
script of  this  text  in  the  United  States.  On  vellum;  written  in  France 
in  the  twelfth  century.  258  leaves,  28  X  19  cm.  Phillipps  MS. 7408.  - 
MS.Latin  58. 

4.  Two  Latin  charters  from  Corro  de  Munt,  county  of  Barcelona, 
in  rural  Catalonia.  One  (MS. Lea  88)  is  a  grant  of  certain  seignorial 
rights  by  Bernardus  Paschualis  to  Raimundus  Berengarius  III,  count 
of  Barcelona,  and  his  wife,  Dulcia.  March  9,  1172.  On  vellum;  1 
leaf;  21 X  8  cm.  In  the  other  (MS.Lea  89)  a  couple  settle  a  dowry  on 
their  daughter  and  her  husband.  "Be  it  known  to  all  that  I,  Guillem 
Gilabert  de  Olivariis,  and  my  wife,  Sicarda,  give  to  you,  Guillema, 
our  daughter,  and  to  your  husband,  Ramon,  three  parcels  of  land 
from  our  property  with  the  woods  and  oak  groves  which  are  there 
and  with  the  vineyard  which  has  been  made  there.  So  that  this  can  be 
better  stated  and  understood,  for  your  protection  and  that  of  your 
family,  we  give  this  to  you  with  this  agreement,  that  you  shall  hold 
and  possess  and  occupy  effectually  and  completely  the  aforemen- 
tioned parcels  of  land  with  their  trees  and  vineyard  in  complete 
freedom  for  your  lifetime,  and  after  your  death,  if  there  be  legitimate 
children  born  of  your  union,  they  shall  remain  theirs."  April  18, 
1160.  On  vellum;  1  leaf;  23  X  15  cm.  Both  manuscripts  are  discussed 
and  translated  by  John  F.  Benton  in  The  Library  Chronicle,  28  (1962), 
14-25.  (See  illustration.) 

5.  A  thirteenth-century  ecclesiastical  trial  in  Spain.  The  proceedings 
of  the  trial  of  one  Pedro  Ximenes  of  Teruel,  accused  of  rape  and 
simony,  are  recorded  on  six  closely  written  vellum  sheets  sewn  to- 
gether, measuring  351 X  25  cm.  (about  four  yards  long).  The  trial  is 
dated  June  13  -  September  13,  1267,  at  Pamplona;  the  scribe  was 
Fernando  Ximenes  de  Gongora.  -  MS.Lea  80. 

[  164  ] 


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0  dc  la  naiic  ucniadimandaiido 
U  re  I'l  Liol  faiiri  chc  iiaiiccqiicfia 

Ben  lontcndaia  R  inaldo  c  Orlando     • 
Rinaldi  aloi  a  gli  tno(b  a  la  tclla 
E I  ci  pondcndo  rii  ritoinarai 
A  rrafumicr  e  cofi  U  dirai 

Clir  ncii  fi  fiamo  n'chi  mcichadanti 
Roba  fotile  c drapi  di  foria 
Riibini  zatilli  c  gioiclli  habiaii  rami 
Chc  non  na  rano  nita  pagania 
Vendcrc  c  bai  arare  arai  (imbianri 
Come-  iifanza  ifmonrarcmd  quia 
Lo  fciidiri  coi  no  al  fuo  I'cgnorc 
La  rcfpofta  gli  fa  con  tal  tcnorc 

Sapi  fegnor  chco  non  uedf  mai 
Tal  mn  chadanti  ne  cofi  bello  afpeto 
Sc  ni  Iiucdi  ru  ncnamorirai 
E  gliangioc  c  oro  aflai  prr  macomc  to 
lo  credo  chc  eiicrranno  (c  tu  uorai" 
A  prcfenrarft  auanri  al  ruo  confpeto 
Alora  trafiimier  un  baron  chiama 
Chc  diucdcrc  i  mcrchadanti  brama 

Di'cendo  uannc  colla  nia  conpagna 
A  mcrchadanti  f  fili  inuitcrai 
E  per  alguna  cofTa  non  rimagna 
Con  mecho  adifnare  li  mcncrai 
Coi  mcrchadari  mio  populo  guadagna 
Si  chc  onorare  io  lincendo  afaf 
Ondeelbaronda  mclti  chaualeri 
A  conpagnato  ualorofo  c  inricri 

Gionto  nel  porto  feze  dimandarc 

1  mcrchadanri  el  noichier  el  parronc 
Onde  Rinaldo  fcnza  ditnorarc 

Se  fccc  fora  cl  magno  conpagnone 
E  nela  uifta-alcr  ranto  bel  pare 
Veftito  como  ragibnaro  iuonc 
Dauanti  aqui  pagani  (i  dimoftraua 
Chcrimiiandol  ruti  linchinaua 

VefHto  era  Rinaldo  c  adobato 
Si  magna  mcntc  chio  nol  poria  dtrc 
Vna  fodra  dai  mclino  ftidrato 
Duna  fina  rofaca  a  i  ciirflire 
Dal  capo  apic  dc  pcrlc  a  botonato 
C!icdcma;i.darr  dicca  cl  magno  ficre 
5P^^a:on  chc  mandaro  lo  riguarda 
; "  •  ;T.inzo  a  paj  lare  chc  non  taida 


El  magnifico  e  magno  traf  umcr^ 
Simimandaainuitarui  chcl  ui  piacia 
Chc  uui  c  uoflri  conpagnon  interi 
Alui  ucniari  con  alcgra  fazia 
E  Rmaldo  rcfpofe  uolenricri 
Vcrcn  aiianci  aliii  Cjpoi  fcfpacia 
Or  (u  Orlando  chcl  tempo  eia  flafone 
E  di  fcriiir  lo  impcradorc  Carlonc 

Ai  difc  Orlando  che  tu  fci  apichato 
Che  afar  tal  fato  non  mcmcto  mai 
Ma  prefto  mentc  fi  fo  adobato 
Come  mcrciiadanri  fme  ragonai 
Oicca  Orlando  mai  non  o  pai  lato 
Difc  Rinaldo  fermon  nonjfarai 
Sapiati  ben  che  foto  i  ueftimenn 
Eranarmati  ichaualier  ualenti 

Di  non  parlar  Orlando  animo  hauia 
Rinaldo  gia  auea  i  fuo  pcnfieri 
Tuto  pcnfato  zio  chc  dir  douia 
4Quando  fara  dinanci  a  trafhmieri 
Sula  proua  dela  naue  alor  uenia 
Non  falto  mai  lionpardo  fi  lizeri 
Como  Rinaldo  fe  ucde  faltarc 
Di  naue  in  tera  fenza  dimorarc 

Simcllc  mcnte  feci  al  conte  Orlando 
Cotal  falri  pagani  non  ano  uifti 
E  ben  fiuan  dicio  marauiglando 
Diccndo  que  bci  mcrchadari  fon  quefti 
E  como  fon  ligicri  uan  ragonando 
Rinaldo  pcnfa  ben  di  farli  trifli 
Per  man  el  prcfe  il  mandato  baronc 
A  doi  akii  in  mczo  el  filliol  de  melonc 

Ai  chi  ucdefe  Rinaldo  andar  per  uia 
El  richo  manto  un  palmo  ua  per  tera 
Che  zcntil  mcrchadanri  alor  paria 
E  non  paria  piu  homo  da  far  guera 
I  faraini  gianolcognofia 
Glialtri  mcrchdanriaguardar  fi  difera 
E  gionfeno  al  cartel  di  trafumieri 
1  ualcrofi  e  magni  chaualeri 

Super  le  fcale  e  fon  dauanri  al  re 
Rinaldo  fc  in  zcnochia  el  gra  criftiano 
Salutando  el  fegnor  con  quclla  fe 
La  quale  a  macomao  quel  pagano 
Trafumieri  lo  riguarda  c  fo  difTc 
Al  fuo  faluto  cl  prcfel  per  la  mano 
Fallo  Icuarc  e  pci  dimandaua 
La  onde  Iiera  e  Ruialdo  pai  laua 


15.  Innamoramcnto  di  Carlo  Magno 


15.  Innamoramento  di  Carlo  Magno 


K 


r      *!        -        '        » 

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/•         b         '        -.       .     I  i    A    t 


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17.  De  quantitate  sillabarum 


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18.  Filippo  Buonaccorsi 


7  r}('^<^i    ■---  V//^/    . 


PtVTARCHl"oPVJCVI.A.     ixxxxir- 

Index  Moralium  omnium ,  &  cotum  qua:  in 

ipfu  tiaftantur.habecuthocquatetnio 

ne.Numems  autem  Ahthmeti 

cuj  lemittit  leftorem  ad 

remipagina,ubitia 

ftantuiHnguIa. 


'ttt- 


,■■'  •'    /   /• 


19.  Plutarch 


19.  Plutarch 


a  o  e  p 

£  « I—  o 
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lip's 

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tJiO'  0*=  -  tt 


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C  E  eils  O  ^-StO. 


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=  ■§■  R  e  f  =  i  's 

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—  rj  1^  o  a.  1.  i:  'o 
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S  ■"■=.§«  3  G  2      c  5s 
■:  ic  "  .'5  a.'P  1=  -  ,s 


5cS  E  S  S  .. 

n   *>  "O..C  o  to 

'  rt  "  5  St2'«3<3  c  ^'3 


'5  S'r  g-lH  1=  n a 


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2  S  wie-.o=5'.2c:-3.S  ^  a  o  c  2 

E-S-S    3   3    rsffc   vjv2   2^^   n 


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20.  William  of  Ockliam 


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APISTO  O  A^^^B^ 

ARISTOPHAfflS   INTER  C  * .  jr.^^.j  T^.y.^"  jiU_ 
^- ,^.  Comicosfummi,Raiicc>-';:- ',"^''-'--^-  ^--  '-* • 


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ft,' 4^- AC 


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22.  Aristophanes 


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if 


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23.  Ars  cpistolaris 


tinitmberei^mnmn  fad 

alU  &t&n^  tor  mcitfcbcft  bcafnffent/X)ii 

irie  fid)  tin  fcbcx  bctl  agct/bcr  vcqc 

Icuffigeit  f  ct)  weren  5ey  t.C54ni3 

5ttlc/eit,  jis 


t)crlcur)^  We  fdimm/io  rcirft  rer^cbC 
©ciii^Od)miit  wrt  er  |Wlnmicfug« 


24.  Cochlacus 


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T  «  ,£  -=: 


25.  Ramon  Lull 


nrr: 


©octoj  *|oannc5 

Qiacnbcv^i:*  vi  U>ec.  CXXXFX 

Ho  jTcrliit  x?ri  inn  ctfi'aw  fc^'afft  fc 
vcttutfc^t  ^^tc§  30*  Ccdjlcu 

Deureronomii.  x-xir^.cj* 

So  ^tl  tiicgt  tinlt  vcr?ciH^*it/St|T 
t)u  o!t  fun^/wao  aba*  ciiim,;li)'E 

v|3ft*^nc(c  vol;^^iMc  ^:fff3nI/^»;»> 

t> !  v:'if^(-;cjt(>;ff  ^^m  Kcmi  ^rinc 
(6or/viii>t;ti(3  ti^nem  unllni  vfi 

TT  V  T  r 


i: 


26.  Johannes  Dictcnbergcr 


^cfiippofTfione. 


ir/5afp3no  latmicwfuopaiuoj; 
lo^iuliutii  fclicitcr  inapir. 

1R  boclibjo  quinc^ 

|[pii|]Cipalco  niarcriac  ptmciarc  imcoo. 

C  Jmpiimio  ctfi  maicna  fiippoliiioml 

ppciuni.c;i^ccuc)oiclJliuo;m  gninia 

l|t'uliuriippolitfiiicocu>  Jliqiiib'alno 

l/oifrKulianb'cipcdij.lircrtioimplia' 

nonco t rcttncttoiico tcrniino:u  oitcnddtii.frOuat ioip< 

pclanoco  rcriiiinou  i  niodoo  poiicdi  iiicflc  piopolirionum 

(]rbci;o:icaz  r  amcidaliu  ip  no  modaliu  OcUrssbo.Q^^mjtV' 

fV'OPccSfcqucinoingciicrjluocjliiib'gciicrib'piianis 

infpccuIipiractabo.lTOuoadpiimuiginirabifhiiitioc 

liil)lx>fmonio  incl'oaiido  licpor  oiffinii  1  ly  luppofiiio. 

tlppofmoefttcr- 

niiir'qui  accipitiinn.ppornionc 
pioruolijiiiticaiooccui'^iiomi' 
nc  ocnioitratc  vl'iiominc  adcQua' 
retigniliuutcrcritiQblilio  cttin 
potcru.ppinqua  mcdurc  copula 
iiio;diiicadquJ:i|iUiciicaf'liair 
[ciictiiriiio:diiicadcopUinilliuo 
p:opolmoiiir.  Ill  cid;no  ad  quam  cjpir"p;0  illo  li^nificato. 
Cjn  l;.:c  ciffimiioiic  ly  fuo  figmftcaio  apif  colamic,put 
Kiiim  v-alct  ficut  ly  fiio  ligiiificato  vcl  fiiif  ligiiiticati  i  p:o> 
pouionjbilVcapitiirlytur'  pjcutyalcr  lycuiuoKl  quo;:. 
<r^icitla5iftinmoiicfcquiliuraliqiiaco!rclaiia.'p':itnu; 
<f  fiippotirio iioaliiid ell q' ici mm''  uippoiicno .z"'.  lion 
tftpofTibilcqi'altqiiiotciniin''  fuppoiiatt'm  aliqualigm< 
fianoiicnifi  fit  catlXttOiciimarK'  flgiiificaiioc  icS?  iilam. 
d^wbiu'oiffinmonicinrcllccnoiic  opoitet  imcliiijcit 
panicula'  in  ipa  politao  filV  i  caufao  qiiarc  in  ipa  poiisnf. 
^mp:imtD  g  cidcdu;  cH quid  lit  icrnmiu  aaipi  p:o aliquo 
fiijiiifiato.Ctquid  oifcriminio  lit  inter  ici  minu  accipi  pio 
aliqiio  lignifitito  t  inter  icmiinuni  fuppoiici  c  pjo  aliquo 
li^mftratot  inter tcnninufignificaKaliquod  Hinificatii. 
(Ttliidc  tcrniinfi  accipip:oaliquo  liginfiLaiocft  ipm  riiiri 
alicuifcnninopiotali  li^jnilicatoinptcpcc  captain  I'cnfu 
,',;  c.ip:opofitionali^»rm  ofonecur'copl'apiicipaliocapif,>i'barr 
;,.  /,-captainfenluinquolignificatiuj.taligniticatioiic5copule 
fcrbalio  tJiKp  lurra  lignifiatione  copulc  pjincipalio.  jjn 
rir-'p:opoliioiraloquo:Ocvi;ioiic(j>quel:;OtieiiniatiD6amii 
cii  fuoBctcimmabili.llon  cftcumdu  fialii  aliici  fojteoifti 
mrctliraccipip:o3iKf  liijnificatoq:  iota  oiuerfitaoui  noic 
coliltcictt  fbuc  alio  motoquedo  iion  adco  bene  faluaictur 
cicta  coia  ficut  oiccdo  ifto  mo.tiquo  pnq?  ly  Iw  ibi  bomo 
cialin''accipifui  pioaliquori^uihutolupppornoq;*  lUud 
cnpiiUtfiiio ponafm .ppolitioc. "p-5fcC'oqraliqGcft  tiiim» 
c6plcc^'jaliqGteinn'caibcgo:enatic''li6nificationcfficat 
luvia  fignificationc  illi'  ^m  fua  figiiifiationc  coplcta  i  no 
accipitiir  i  illo  .p  fuo  figiufiato .  it  aliqs  ali^.«opif  in  illo 
pioaliqfuo  figiiiticaiocaptocinifto  copulate  bo  ifoiicm 
currcrc  sc  ly  bocoiiiigii  prnii?  i  oc  ly  fcicfcom.Sed  aniii 
boc  coditioiiaio  no  pofiio  in  jjpoc  bo  li  ell  ally  bo  accipiaf 
p:oruolignifiuto.(?>ilranib^  quicfl  Ibitcs  acaputur 
piofuolignificato.De pmoOiccdu ellcpfidi  tciicfq" ly  cfl 
c(l  copl'i  p'.incipalio  illi''  codttionati  liiiautcm  no.  Dclc6o 
eicoq?ncquiatotuoillctcrmin'nonbabctcopulamp!in« 
cipalcni  ccquo  noucft  coniplccuo  complcjcionc  oilUnn. 


CUndepiincipalio  copula  alicui' tcrniim  5:  copl'a  coMm« 
gcnoouai)paitcop:incipaleoti'.ll.iiiciniion  obliaiibuo 
ciccdum  ell  If  ly  qui  t  ly  lojico  .iccipiuiur  pjoluio  Uiitm- 
uiii3inillotciininoboquicltio:icctlto47ii6  poiiaiui  in 
p;opolnidc.S;-cdaiucadcdu5tfltiq?lyquiilyio;iiOicu' 
piaiur piofuio  lijjnif.cano  in  cidine  au  illiij  iciu  iciin.iiu. 
ii>iiiiilitcr  aiilyio;ie>ibit6!lc;ieturieicacciputp;oiuo 
fignihcato  inoidine  ad  illud  toiii  copulain.^llcoitl  icuUa< 
icoadiicnieneotiltutidconon  elliiiipit)  iniiltciidU5.3n 
Oitfniiiiciicojta  oclyaccipipio  aliquo  lignitoio  iiiuitc 
paiiiculepoiiuiitur.i:it'aciltp6trcddiQiiraocviuuiua(5 
illaruqujieinilUoirtiniiiciicponatur.  |[t)«umtianic 
Dilficuliao  an  ibi  louco  video  tiio  qo  ell  bo  no  eft  al  ly  tiio 
q«H**6accipiafp!oquol5enteflpeilep:oenicq6cli  bo.  > 
i;t  I  ooiibiiationio  elt  quia  f  m  ccem  mouii  lo^ico;:  videiur 
(ppiccifcaccipiafpiocntc  quod  elt  bo  illicit  ^t.ioihuiitio 
I1C3  Data  v'ldctur  qp  accipiaf  p;o  quel?  cntcquia  illic  capitur 
mcdiantccoceptunicdutcquo  ugnilicjioinia  cniiaibot 
oafondctunrpM>quol.<ciiicaccipiaf.0;p:oiftaoittKul< 
iaicoiccdu}clt(i'iidupiiurp!oquol5cnicl?palcp;otiit£ 
quodclll;6.tilipciJOi6iieinpclleilaiiobnoiciipii6p6t     - 
rcddiranoinbuiulnioi  qucltioiiib'i'iiiucrlair'!  .ppicica  , 
bcfccdcduin  ell  ad  (.'iicularu  all'iBiudo  p:o  vnoqiioif  cau» 
faMiioiiemodiliguituadiieiniiniccpleiiiiiquo  inaliquo 
tcrto  rnifu  cr'capitur  q!  i  one  tali'  modi  ligmncadi.puenu 
(t  accipiaf  talio  tci  inin'pio  tali  vl'ialiliijiiiftcjto.  liitliicr 
pollctalligiiai icaufa f nmerfuli  boc nio rcj.  Jdeo aliquio 
tetmin'Wuceipip;oaliquolianiheaioinaliqua.pponiicc 
felofoncqttalc  ligiiificaiujmcdiaietaliiermnio  ocuoiaf 
aliquo  iiio  I'c  babci  c rel  no  i"e  babere  in  tali  .ppoliiinc  vel 
ctoiie  i  bociii  oidiiic  ad  li^nificaiionc  tcialem  illi'  pjopo< 
liiioniOKlofonio.Ciideoaltquio  taniin'pxaliquoiuo 
liginftcaio  no  aeapiet  m  al;q  j.ip5c  vloionc  (Tiucuit  i  ilia 
accipufuicd;jiecdceptumediaicquolignilicaiill6q;ill6 
liijr.iftcaiu  no Oci;oiaiur  mediate  tali  ici  inio  ic .  iMc  mod' 
Oiccdi  fullcian  poi  lane  bii  led  .ppter  multar.  jjpolmoiico 
vcl  ofone' in  quib'aliqui  termini  VI  coitcr  roictoicipa)ali 
quib'luiolignificaiioaaipiijtur-inin  pio  ainoi  Dificilc 
eft  alliijnarc  quomoialialJBnifiutacieiioieturfc  babcrc 
velnoicbabciemediaiib'talibuo  lermimo  w.faaiioicll 
pam' mcd'oiccdi  t  mabio  niicbiplacci .  ftifrdiitio  pi5 
piuno  cp  liect  no  lit  pcflibilc  q?  tci  mm'  fnppcnai  ejcii  a  f;o 
poliiionc  tn  c(l  poflibilc  cp  tci  nun'  accipiatur  cfii  a  p;opo< 
liticnc.1^15  fcOo  (f  licet  no  fiipoffibile  q?  icnnin'  aceipiaf 
cjtra  .ppolinonc  vcl  ofoncm  in  qua  poniturcopula  vbali« 
ilicllpoiribileq?teimiii''IJijmftcctc)ma  ^pohiicncm  vcl 
ofoncni.  Il.icconuac):oiffinit;onib'tcrniuioiuni  apparcr. 
'p}  tcrric  (Tllai  Q'  ilie  tcrinin'  bo  accipiaf  in  aliq.ppoe  mo 
diaicccccpiumcu'utcquoligmficatocboiciabiolutctin 
n6t;6lfuppoi:crcp:oaliquoboieinilla.pp6e  inillo  fenlu 
ei'bcoiiiibitm  bac  ,pp6c fibocurierci  b6nioucretui:.!;j:   » '■ 
bnoigiiurappareiq'iliitimiiilignincaicaliqo  ligiiifi(a>  ^., 
tU5acctpip;odliquolisnif.uioluppoiicrepioaliquofign»  *  ' 
ficatoo:dniatimrebi'itlkutlupiuoiinfeii"ric(r  piini'cft-,'" 
fupioiad fconniatmi fecfid'ad tertiii .  CiStd 01  cailla  ••  • 
inaditoubiuanqmUicrmirr'quifsaliqua  figmhcatioej  ,•<'■ 
lignilicataliqc)  figntlicatu  pc  flu  ,p  quolj  mo  lignttiaioac* 
cipi  1  fiipponerc .  C.'Pio  ilto  oubio  pcno  .ppoco .  ■p-Jima.      j 
Bliqo  tci  mm'  ftginficat aliqo tignificaiii  oe ligiiilicationc 
loiain ille nopotaccipi  vlTupponeie^) 111 j ^< ilia  ^caiiocj 
faltemlincampliaii6cadqiiqji>i(Tcretiaoicpcv.ppporitio 
pi>oc  lyalbu  iclpcctu  fui  lignitiatifo:malio  quoa  oc  figm 
ficaiionc  toiali ligiiilicat.i''.illiquicell  iciminuoqui oc 
rigncfianoncfoiali':  matcnaliii|jiiifiuialiqd  ligmricata 
a  q 


27.  Caspar  Lax 


29.  Ein  Ordnung  ciiics  vcrniinfFtigcn  Hausshalters 


srr- 


G.  VERNORI  CONSILIARII  ET  PR^B^ 

k^i  Rfgrj  Arcis  Sarofpotacf h  Hypomncmacion 

de  aqui's  in  Sccpufio  admirandis. 

G»  Vcrncro  Amicil^S. 

Ne  qui's  vana  putct  que  fcribis  mira  Georgi, 

Dcpracfedurar  fontibus  ipfe  tu2c. 
Is  fciat  efFecfluSjdcuIis  nos  teftibus  vfos 

Luftrafle,  ct  ccrtam  nunc  adhibcrc  fidem* 
Nam  ferrum  Cyprio  indutum  confpeximus  sere, 

Et  vitrei  tada  eft  ftiria  longa  olei  * 
Si  quis  de  caufis  dubitat  fontefcjp  rcquiric 

Naturae  infitians  omniparentis  opus 
Carpathias  adeat pernos licet  impiger  oras 

Inucniet  di<flis  confona  fada  tuis 
Ne  Cxui  tamen ,  eflfecflus  quod  vidimus  ipfos 

Auritd  rnclior  eft  ueulatafidts 

Sufpc(flx  fidei  plerumc^  incognita  res  eft* 
Qjiamuis  hoc  tardi  eft  inditium  ingenrj 

Sedquid  diftimulare  iuuatCvix  credere  fas  eft 
«tTefti,  qui  proprio  plena  fauore  refert 

Et  tu  mirificas  nimirum  abftemius,vndas 
Etcaufam  cra<n:as  acquior  ipfe  tuam. 


30.  Georg  Wernlier 


30.  Georg  Wcnihcr 


COMSVETVDINKS   NOBILIS   CIVITATIS    MESSA- 

NE      SVIQ^VE     DISTRICTVS     POST  RE  MA     HAC     EDI- 
C  :•  I  O  N  E     D  I  L  1  C.  t  N  T  1  S  S  I  M  E      R  E  C  O  G  N  I  T  E 

PE       MENDIS      REPVRCATE     VNA     CVM 

ali)s  Itatutis  nouitcr  additis , 


;i 


P  A  N  H  O  R  M  I    PER    I  O  V  A  N  N  E  M    M  A  T- 

T   H  E  V   M      D  E       M    A   I   n    \       AD       T    N  S  T  A  N  - 

tia  loannis  Francifji  Curara  lafi- 
giio  Lc'onis, 

M       D       L    Villi. 


33.  Messiiia 


CATlMrN    PANEGYRIC  ON 

D  E    /E  D  1  F  I  C  A  r  1  O  N  E    SCHOL/^     E  0  N  O  N  . 

AD 

mufirif.    0  leuercndj^'mmrj  m  Chr/iJo 

'Pntre?n  D.D.  Petr.Douaiwm  C^uim, 

Epifcopum  NamenfemjO  Bom?/ix 

Guhernatorem , ato^^  e'lufdcm 

SchoU  Co?jditorem ,  (3 

Meccsnatem  Cle  - 

ment'iK'imum . 

Au(5l:orcIo2nneTolmcroBreidbachio,  Colo- 
nienfe,  eiufdcm  SciioLr  alumiio. 


B  O  N  O  N  I  AE. 

Ex  Officlnd  /oan.Kubrii)  fib  figno  MercuYu. 

ILbitapuu  s  hcejitia  i  IIK..DD.  Vicario  Epifcopalij  l<.  Inqmftorc, 


34.  Breidbach 


aii^^^s^^5Si^^=s 


35.  St.  Catherine  of  Siena 


f^   ^ 


O 


7.  s 


Li:  1:  .^  * 


o 

U4 


>7<^.r<: 


':.    J 


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V5 

5 

UJ 

5 

hJ 

'« 

o 

-| 

tn 

■^  ..   ^ 

c 

»j    :-.    bo 

i  1  6 

S 
o 

1  1^ 

Q     JN    R 

U 

ej 

-.   5;  -^ 

CJ 

^^^ 
^  V"? 

«  "^  fe 

S;    *•   — 

.»      fj     R 

li! 

t»   -5   2 

~-^    a 

S   2   's 

n    "2    s 

■^^'~i 

F? 

36.  Antoine  du  Verdier 


PVGNA 


ORVM  PER  p. 
'Porcium  Vomm 


Vot:i.ndo  pot^ris  VUcidumprclvrrc 
Foi'finu 


A!.  D»  XXX» 


Pdrackfh'  pro  potore. 

Porccrum  pulcbcrrhvj,  prx- 


36.  Joannes  Leo  Placentius 


>t<4  HTw*^*^  ^<a^»r^  *<^»r>>  «< 


«s 


>^,  HTwv^  '^n«y3!?  ijvy^* 


IVl 


^ 

?f^ 


4^ 


f^ji 


D.     IS^l  C  0  B  E  M  I     FRISCHLINI 
Com  it  Is  PAUttni  Cdfarei  n^  Poi-ts. 
Lanreati    &c, 

GRAECOS  NONCAi 

rere  Ablatiuo.  ^ 


m 


ExctuLLit  ^-intoniHs  'BertrAvms  ^■^nno 

M.      D.      LXXXVl, 


m 


m 


^v 


38.  Nicodcmus  Frisclilin 


<ltthai  allelic  ^luiMcit. 


t 


'Vt^'WVt 


>n:,w  f;:.^  ,pg  y^*^  .U^^^ 


39.  Feuerwerkbuch 


■£. 


^y^        Xa HO ^r yt^^c^e. 9^t^  ^^^ ^^^ ^ 


J, 


^jOfn4 


40.  Lope  dc  Vega:  Carlos  V  en  Francia 


i)ltiocriirma^-,,i 


3I11  vrlhni  iiiqiHc  ocauiiif  .\  < 

[.:i.i.iiii.3)[jriDiiA)<6niiiJt 


11  rdpKTitifl  que  litiii  j!  nurcftTir.  faalc  vid< 


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iiuiiurniiiiu.pnOii'utiiiiociunulpjtu^iiibiniiiliiimHC 
i:utcil».auiDicuilua<tii>iiinKc&ito(t'lo:i)iiikli'Virtuii 
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iln«.(TUpiiuiiM(n))U'iiD.ir^)udiil)pfutpopi>t>pdiiici 
cam  ^nV^anur/lljni  Jiciit  rol j  rci  li  fu  v.  nuiiriiiniu  dt 
,vi1bHicnnimi'ci(iceci>oiibJt>au-uuniljiii^ptvc4iruiii'q) 
\<Hanmmynttocamt^  bcmoiVio  pLatriuma  jcupii 
OrtiiiikncoiDiatiidiuniurvrlluitiiininiDciui'otuiiilplniOtfirrjpie 
ob  bf*  ()ui  »in  Dili^ii(.a  uiunumr  ob  b\9  qui  fdiii  qu^rur 


nquiTipiRiaiilMiictanuttfrt  bo 


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: :  .  ».       p  iiicomipno  fata  two  <f[<^tc  ptoniiiod .  prtaj 


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'"" "*'"      '  ?tinni.7inuiiif)criupi<cldruinniiiwuiicunu9 

S<naanouim\oeepiofatict^  biciciuia  cck. 


bifsnuTiiIarjba     fcdulo 


Sbicv 


bonusicminriiouDuiratqj  (I1I 
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inbuepitiidamutf.Vl^uiuobi.-anlcopoIdilaticamoniaDnia  omtii 

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tailijei)  Bn*e  jujcthaij  rnfi  nwnMnOt/oucJ  fcnp  ttllon  ^oift^lie^w  rcifroonv)  rn 

fdfr  ntdcfen  rdcMfdlVn  vnoflUftiiT'ffipiBrmj  -  MKrafatnfi  i?B'r»)rif<t  /  TliiMtK  rnOjtjeo*  ^tgrtimp/rnB  frr^pnb^tafnd^BrT  nfrm04vffRtiii(f>«  TK-ftftBMniTifiMftpnjpftpflwIitff/WiBiWTtOTiBn)  '^e* 
llId'/wlBmlf^l1(^^tltltn^a^B^^a^cI)/Bu*otll  Jrbninfol*e?i)faJlftri'BctniaffrnfTiai^ri)t^Befn*((cij/mti?r3;mttn^kith^        rnbanli^m  ?ftn  jtholffm  |(t>trjiptiUt.  5>i> ^rpw'ni o'tf  tfim 

It'tx  (cbiwtrr) rngrdB  vna  (i td I (  pnB  tonbtduft 

■oni^ri1'aii(l>pn«  mBBinjlnniigftj  Bnd><ct> 

^taunitiil>(dn0nit>ut3/inDctpno  no(t>  $cbdC^[cl^lfd;>of/ 

h  (firan  TnBrrthannjTubimtrii^rftaiifi  /  aa:'fi  irtbn  aufi 

I  (rrlCttfthmi  ^unidoij/ptofianbt  paf^  nothfenprjainirtianBtifpe^  twBethaimMifh  ^o(hcf(d«llrf•^(l^t■l(rt,;l!oaH*t^Imat^^t  ottnmri.it]btt\ril^£f^tmbtmfl' 

If  (onfl  tignogcn  iiTtt/ baefltT/ pnb  bit  (d^tij/angthd'f  bitil>nffo/onca!lrn  aiiojiig/TOO  irai^fTun^iirt-TOn  (*«^5al)fthf^^^''lwb  ^ 

.„  ..        .,nir9ftrdu(hrnlannj'?'"<^!i'''r""0ntj  Bnriirrbmfann)ii)gfmtlfBtf(hifT«Birnfiffii)  oBfrfithnflfhmalnbarnnhfjf^  oOttiroibrn  Oif  fdbfriaKNjlb  pnBont  allnj'twuyBduotjmtt 

ol[rii)fTnP«Kt>tBfT«.?iu(hollf'Vrr(anil'Iuig/*ngabfTungBnBgftrfthBfoi-tirg('i'oI(li»/fogf&att»tciijj£(htft"U(iunb  '  obtthanffngtlicfijugiirffnjif)  (ffipft  tEiet  -  JlnDatbt  /  Tinb  tSwitijftitftenthamt'et)/ 

ffanBCT)T'nB©fpiOtivh"9ni<'"'")  k*"1*01  fnorf>tn)/mi(  allmf  rmfitifihjnbfrf  /jtitttnift  /  audi  nvBft  ^rtaihinf)  ifdilrr '  nocblnnrnf  knrgemUh/dirtiihoffnung  pdfl  hilff  futBrrung  /  nochriitfthub 

ihurf  'n«h Brt)  firrrnt  juihnfpgrpairn  finb  iSuth  hitrin nit  jrtf ij  nofh rnhinbn^loflrt  aintth  ©onbinue/lCthamigung' trrfimBtnue^JIBhntnti'pfnrdnBrriufi  tfihhulBt^ung  oBtt  pflKftt/barmtJt  gt- 

bcd^iat}  tSa^tnobti  Innoj"  ?lnhtngfr^'rfrtwnb(  |ni)  mothinj-JDaij  irtt  (olthr  e'unblniwiethnn.gunjrtiftarbinu^.  iirhrtmii/TTb  ptnMnB(nii(?  /  Bit  fffrn  9ln*  hituot  '  oin  irtiiinbe  ^nnnwridnfge- 

"    •■  '-■■--'-■•—■'-' • — A&— ..-.— h-— ..-*\.;-t  -^-tfon/itnotibctirfgeAiinfalfllffirTnotBtnlichr/ihefrflfiiotahainutPtontnij'faithrf)  obtr  foflanBnirrnbffimoch. 

hinBmj  folltjj/  obfT  mognj-mil  irolhrbarfitrni  mofifiBtchrnij  iwfTrn  /  »nB  rcij  fnntrrei  llrai(rtii(hfi  -StfiaAt  v^lhommt 
ctnjBatmi)  Krn«nbf  rottfi)/ twj  Brt  (rffi)  pnftm  Iraifnlid'crj  sl^ofht  r«ftomct^wil/Bauofj  mdtd|<  dhfc^^ 


ThtrJit; 


b  l?u(h  hirrJn ni(  jrff 9  noftirnhmbn^lofln 
'[  (nnnj  Jlnhtngtr^TmiMnbi  Icitj  mothinjjDaij  irtt  (olthr  piunblniw., 

„„ _.,  rtfJirii(i.(omlBtffdbr|Bi(fn)pnnfnn)^t5onbotrn6gfpoeol>tJrt  obftf( 

InjV'o  l"''ff  ilbifm)  |all/nat^iKnii<igflkt  Btthr  I&inlMPtbrtfoUhdnK  pinBfij/noth 
(iflif  httnii(gml|ili*aii('gfttM/tafji 


Ju*  jjmi  UTifl' /  JInBathf  rnb  jCorfi/fouii: 
gt gnj  nin»  grt'otfumt'lKhrtiotgfij  wtfn  fttr-laifrtli*  Olait/c^  (ic^nhoit  hittnil  yirbigdidi  }ugrfagi  mb  gti^thei) habrrj  nuHtr).  A<l}nf  vnBmainni 
tolh(mfn^aU/(oBB(iiftlftntfiMtihinnBttnJtf(hu(wii/((hitniftj/ftrrfi)/fic(t'fDi'Tagnj  jpltt  aitiiih'gnafl  fttrhaii  licpuiig.glait /(ithrt^K  /  Cart    oDct 

bftrfi^aftlm'oOn  ^btrtiaiiCT)/ 


I)  Bnihc  Bomirtfnj  toifctij  t 


reefl«3ir 


^lg  grJdf  /  tnb allo) tmnj  / 1>  fn 
aIlch»o^IrrtJ^nl.tl^T^^fft^■lrflI|^lll^tt)flf  . 

*»BrgfFtb  ahhtniKc'obcttJinichanBfTcfititibfniio-rfidinigcng/C'iirg/obttS'ldlKtfht/fo  Doijrne/mlmjprrfatcii 
jfijtl^/oBn^mf'grmoingtliih/ctitTfonBflittigtgttfr)  tibrTttflfifigJirftfTi'oBtrnccftruiBnj/TluthhointdprgtiroTihi 
potlfn hcnim (oIlt/obfT mo*f t  IParijiribnjgtbad'lti)  j2chre(if)6tn)allni)/olebctfdtnjpnmipffngltcfi.'aufgrfrtilufff(j 
BffrM Brt'oBn bit ffForlr* hitruftr^  3( n-ao gtltittSitn) (rfrtii/oBrt irc iit 'f oo iniffifr gtf*r(it/prgfhorfon)rriaign) iroibf/grgtij brtr)/ 
tfchtft/milnnfldthtifJtodrach  rfTgnoltijiiutddtfijTotttholKnhflttn  fcfftBa«allr»/tiiretilrn*eu[(>aufgfBatfrrepnftt«»taifrtli(t'fnLaniffg(ii(Ne-ii]no) 
^'*ie«bTllmg^tft^t^ttllJnfu^^ffJ,alJ(Mltgt(p^orf■nt^l^holi™bftgang^t31d>t/^upohp^c(fcongpn&^o^nJI^^un9Btf  f^^^^ 

iirfif«oiBnunfl/3nP''f"'')"''"ff"t"ifV'i""?f'fnf<'""'*"'"'/'*"  mrtltiai^brohailigfijlttu^e/fooilbitfiotiutfft  trfotbni /  jii Btr  iEyttutiMi JounoiOncn 

BiilE«*Bn)6bgnwnf(i)BftlDitTChKrfirf?rr)on)Bbd>]/»tea'M^th(tf*t^i/^Mn£fctr*m/  BhtinltnBifihftilttailj  ^tfnBn)'  nonBomifthn  taiftTltchttdlpct^i/hifTmt 

rmPlitf'gfptttCTiBtmbtrdltT)  Bao^JtoHlolB-niKhMthunBigimg  rnb  rSnanlwiiftnn3Bjlj.tritf«/ i)ntflini*tijlrngfwtift7Bg  obtrauttftr  Oif iwgti^angnognft oiB*nni£t"'anBif hanbnrmtt /  tmnbalf* 
iM*aHfirfi(Bngbrtfdt(tiPbf"tTUf(rtilan(l(rrfbail'ptmrfi6  3Id'l  trft}iiiti^auiMdff-^whfrfitfnjhtflifJlr(  PfJfrt'a^c^l)flB1■fT^llfg^l'pnB^ttno((lnl^((■(h  pOftfonbtrlKhnif  frtimw/nc*mgrff'»')(«T«/ 
31rtfirt  igurf-alltn  >^bl£irtt3ibrni(rfrnnfarngnabtnB(itafhiiotTiiioCtTi,3roi)trtcifirfT^(bfnj(oItfn)£ytdV^  (rrtnirir  Aiinf(a((on<ib#t|rlbnj/HjitafTtpil* 

g^mdf^t^Tl|n^■mBbtPBnc^eorentlng<luf  <fl»ftonfu•*tl)'gc^ud(tf•frn■tt(tTOllCT^^fTft5S^llng7^artTflrh  gddUutt  rmfiltdiftmlpfibmamimg. 

©fl^iij  rnfttAfflt  ftn/ffd3ij  frrabant /am  :i(hjet)tnBiij  log  brei^oie  fl^of' JJ*«th  (I^nfligtpul/ fun 


leriiJliut'tlff'Pni 

sftintBO)  flafooBtT 

'itic  gt  gti)  t>ffl«n(ni| 

trntijaufgrmtitrijCamfigr* 

fiafM  irfigtrnrltn  Camtrgr* 

tDgc^tatu^rq.      JDnnnach  tmpfflhni 


flififiM.tl  *f  jn^tum      V 


A<' 


44.  Charles  V 


t:    {3  -r    'IJ  -^    l^Z  B:C    g~S    H\ 
^   in    o    ..  5    r^^  P 


^f 


^  ^  ^  ^  o  .:2:^  ^ 


^»-'  8    2    ^ 


s  ^.'^ 


46.  Papal  dispensation 


§'^&^ rj^v  '.*t'  '-i^*  '^c^"'  -1 1"^'!  I*"- 1  "-*  ''"'-  -"'*-  -^*  -      -  '-,3 

P   -i.w'  J."  \kiMk\wui    i.iu'^^iA^iViKnkliiuii  \>»'lii'/  *>'jrt|i?m  tfn  EccIlIi  uTnlit.iiTi,  Hcuchinctpaicuncm^  ^ 

S       ;i  cliU   111  iM  ittric-lMhimli  iibt  Oi  ir  I  lit  111      1 1 1  ol  1 


79 


48.  Johann  Nas 


10lnd?(von  C\Ottco  fsnadlciilpcrtsog  511  ?Dirrcmpcrs 
vnd  'icgk.  fl^nft  511  £^iiinppclsarr. 
Wcrn  c;nie  511110;.  Xicbcn  gctrciicri  ciicb  irt  jviflciul  bic  groflcn  iiicrgk 

lid)ai  viicrbwioi vfPjuff/wgAorf.imi vnn6 nii|:|'aiiMuiigm, fo  rk1>  .1"  wl ermi  rn|ci 0  fur(ImtkimiPo  PtgcFoi  rll^  1:111  ii!,ii(lm<r 
l)jpt  nmt> viTur|id)it  n?a*oi  |"mi  6urd)  rimut)  fo|;  e5tVlu.jlcF  f ifir  6cm  mvvdil'cn  ift  vm  vnti  rnfrro-  kiiftrfdufp  «ii  .illm  orem 
nil  bjiligtn  indi proffrr n.id->r,iil  Idiinadi rn6 |Vhn6m.  21iidi 6v  rnfcnl mjoi  x-iitCTibontil vil  rnb  in.iiidinl,;!  Ffpfr inlgdwrf.imol 
nbm  ivijrioi  rni*  h.iriMuMgcit  v«ii  !>nii  oit(fjiit>m  fciii  foUidi  fop  moititlid)  oni'dilcg vmi^  fiii  iimuii  fije  oscrprtingtlidi  jub/rcn 
ifiin6  faiwiT  ".niSgni  ift.  £i,i5  |"d?  fic  mii  CTtI'mii  ftirfioitliimif  Sa  irnf (!oi  ab.if m  |oiIni,  trie  ir  tmit  Me  iim  .iiiicr  hjrt;ciiin  .iiiitm 
rpfd)rv$m/«oii  uns  vii»  vn|  (i-CT  I.1  riirotrdMflr  njv('<-n»  jigmriidKr  rmionni  n-n  6cii.S»  iiuii  irm  ctI  pnfoiKii  alb  x-nm 
BC5.'.igrciig^|Kiivcrgif1icii|jdinifuKbtigi:n^i|<5c|iT5t'viinO«>pg«rmcti  |(in.^.iPnitntrimt>CTilergih(>rfaiiiUiiiiet)"d7jf}t»iif5(r 
iMdjnoIcnSgni maiming  mu4maii6crnit|"d)ie(fcii.  noiilidj/jMs  am  iftwrviiScrtlieii  OTfcru  fi'if'"'"*ii'iip6Cy(iiimi  aiSvimf  (cm 
rct)iil6ig fcm |oU/Nt fcl&gcn  r|<gctrfttcn famcnjiihaiif ch.Ml6c*)crFcrgoi/ fiii^nfcbicf en/ atscn.mciicf til/ n«dMm iiiii  art 
bijtT jiitbim  I'un^ct n-o SicgcfcbciiA'On  fhinW  an  ('ollid)9  Pacfcrtaif  pirsuSriiigcn/Mibdffcn  iiiiattcii  anCct  >u  1^^ 
b«i)(lciiifl\f  ^arof5u(■mlfa6^icfctlgfIld)altgoI»llu■^Ircrt^oI.  Viitvw*  maniiiinicr<rnnt<ti*a8{>crrclfigni»fgcimtiiainci-<t)er 
nia  v»n  icmant  a>  n-cr  von  vatcr  nn'ita  f  riiPa  (anvcfFcrn/ctcr  wn  frin  aigm  (iniii6m  -o6cr  anbcrn/iri(Tcntlitb  ftbiipct  f cbnf rract 
cittt  incnainidjc  bil(75m'v|un mirSc  iicii  |cl&gcn foUcn ir Scbofiimgcn afgcf rcdicnrii  6aryi an  iron  1\6  vn?  gut •  glydi Ben  tcitcm 
(frciigHidi  gcfhatfr  nja6cn.3m  anBeoi  fe  ill  inn  t>m  angcvugtoi  rnl6^M■^ngnl  rimt)  banWimgcn  crfiintwn  Cms  su  6cr<'  dngang  vmO 
anfangoifadi vn& fiirt>cning gcpcrt hat  \iidj.f m mnuijcn rngchoifanicn rngiflrot |'rfiniccbtid>cn wort rn? rcBot  fo ron man vnS 
KS-ei,  pn.^trii  fnaf c  ni  tod)tcm  of|Vntlid>  onucrfdicnipt/m  on  i^ctrad it  irct'cctn gcfrudit  trcrM  fcin, ril  (Tiro  cScr gcrd)cbc  niMnfc 
S>ar  Sv  6an  »cr  fcKigni  Ivdiniatigf  ait  riivcrfcrt  gmiict  gr|rbc  tviirBctOft  aPtrmals  urtlcr  vfi  vn|cr(r  lanti'chafft  rcraintcr  cnifJIidjcr 
Kill fnicfdixiiigctrnv warming  |ollidialvdinicttigcr6c(!crrctictiniirfl"ig>iigcoi.V>.''oa6fricinaiitBict>onbcai*criiborrt  tiiclcBigm 
to- oFofait on  rcrjiig f V ctrn rn aiScn piniif riiigoi "tianinip fan 6icgai(Hid)cn ircr oBcrfait (i6crantiriirt/wi  fiinfi ain ict>a an  (ii:c Icif/ 
«n  (Incii  ccm/OBcr  gut  n,id)  gcjlalt  txr  ("adi  -rii  wo  6i<i  fSrPringcn  ron  icmant  vcraditct »»  xwhaltm  KiS/fol  tier  fclPig  glcidi  t?  rcd«{ 
tbttm- geftraflt wtrOcn-Damadj  IjaB rnS wifis  fid) ain  iiCcr'cr  (y  gm|?lidj  06cr  ircltlicbTOr fcljmad)  »nnt>  fdia»m  fi'nicrhicttm.  iDrj 
ncf  en  06  (Id)  icnunt  wer  6(T  wcr/frauwcn  o»cr  niaiii!  pcr|onai  fid>  iiadi  annciniiitg  rnnjibul&itniitg  bro  rertrags  !u  Ciiwiiitien  vffgc* 
tidit  mit  worteii  ofaniit  wercf en  bi)lT(;id)en  balfeii  vem-nrcft  hctte  wolleii  wn-  rns  bicmit  rorfcl-alten  baGeii  bie  ("cIFigeli  6anim6 
OTIB bes  1-alGnt Mir. ditiiemgen xilt>5ii(Iiafreil/wie (idi  aiita  icbcrt  x-ardinlBen Had) jutbon  geFiirt.iDaii alleo  (0  Mr  fleet  iflvm  vm  fit  ^ 
rii|  eier  jromcn  getniircn  lannbtfebafTt  vf^ct  ber  notnirfft  6etraditct  f  itti  ("lirgmomcn,  bainu  bocb  ber  Cvft  emgcwumlct  S3ii//v|Tgery  t"  V«*»-i 
enb  Bao  altloP  gd)or(anii  »nbcr6erf  ait  rnfenii  (Tir(Jmtbum6  unnB  befs  eintvonem  allwcgm  jflgcnicden-wibenmiF  ne6rad;t  xiuiB  a 
laiigtwcrBcniiK^.JumBritteii/foftjniniiwcrgangenloufycitanvilortenwnbeiigcniainbcnctlicfiperrontiimitgendTti-nbratinnbai 
felPigen  facfeen  M'ibanbdn  erwolt  worben/BcTs  ce  bann  jihter  nit  ma  Pefar(f.©efbal6eii  »n(lT  viib  rii|cra  Ian tfdiafft  (lirncinen  niainug 
vni Pnicld)  ifj  *a3  bic  felSigcn  erwoltcn  ron  btn  gcniambcii  ^ fadien  aliffcn  ( ein/rraib  (urobin  one  rcrbinBcrt viiB rinreb,  aniptiii«ti 
gcndjt  rniib  rat  inn  irn  banBliiiigoi  fijrgcen  follen  mBmigot/tric  (id)  Ban  nadi  altcin  Fnidi  an  iebemort  one  rfgefiinBeTt Bca  ampw 
nwrts  jiitiwn  gtpiiit.    VmiB  wie  wol  iin  amef d ber baiiBrbaSnng/inn  Bern  rrrtrag  Pectriffe n  dcrlidi  rfic^ctrucPt,  me  ts  gt gen  Bnien  fo 


mRriirrt rnB cniRSnmgoi madicn  mit (iraftgdialtcn  fol  waBcn  ba py mr C6 tafjcii  PlyPoi.  Hod) ban'no(i)t bie wvl bie'rrtJTiinhingoi 


0&<T  {^IMtnOet 


It  6cticf)inoberainid)rcrfamlniig  fatten  wcberBurei)  (id)  rdp8oBaanbcrrtod>aiid)bar(iiwcBerratbilffoB<T6y(?aMBtbontt,./ 
ee  gn'dicbcbaim  mit  wiffm  rnb  rft"  Pcudd)  rnficrcr  amptliit  .©anii  foil  aud)  one  wiffcn  rnb  iwTIcn  geiiidtcr  rnftrrraniptlcut  iiiem.-  ne 
tain (iurmglocf  an|d;laben oba ly ten -cs  wn-bann oP fcnwr  rpmcng/Bamit fol c?  wic ron  alter gdialtcn iraBcn.  ©odi  fo  ni5ncii inn 
riif  em  (fettett  gerid)t  rnB  rat  ron  ains  genuinm  miijm  riiB  bcv  gla'd)cn  fad)en  wcgcn,  wol  xiifanien  Ponien/Baiion  tfueb.n  rnb  uir  -u 
rdilagoi.apff  wibcr  rns  nod)  rnfcr  apcrfait  nid)t8  rcbcn/banble  nod)  pefd)lic(lcii  re  gcfchcbc  Bann  mit  wi|fcn  >nb  PerriUitiiingm'iW 
cBcr  Bercn  jo  a  ron  riifent  wegcn  smiagtiimcn  m.idit  baPai.2ffle6  Py  peeii  rnB  (fraffbcc  oPgeiiieltcn  articf els  Ba  bannbtl)af unci  nadj 
«ii6  icbcii  wrfi^lBcii  .i&atum  Siutgattcn  fanip(lage  naci)  a(r»mptioni«  manc/anno  fmifyl/ai  ^unbcrt  »iin6  vicij^jof 


49.  Ulrich  of  Wiirttemberg,  August  19,  1514 


t^crvffvinnvnn^  bart^lungcit/f^  fid^innvnjhm  furflertt^umPto 
iixre  rerloffcn  ^aSert/^erert  a\ne/xoSilent>  an  cwrm  rat^u^  offefttltcb 
vjf;ct>l»:hc.  tl*iitt)cralt^cm  vnt>cmd)mnQanci)  \)icSy  ^fantcm  vn 
ferm  gcinainert  v\}fd)ry^/wSlkfi^nampttmnonca\iceyo€Vjic\^cn 
in  iec>c  ficcf crt  ^trts  ampts  rytte  art5<:igt  rntJcrric^mrtg  t)»tt>  >t>|^T^rt 
f  ott  ojrlcKtlidt)  rcrfilstbm  vnb  Xferk^cn/har^uais  Daiirt  follic^  vnfcc 
vj'jcbrv^ett  inn  t)tc  fumemcflcrt  fiedPcrt  an  t>ie  hrcj^crt  rffj  cit)lal>c/  vti 
I  iiVfiivo  fM'.i)e  alle  wr  mgertthd)  mrt  allm  vogt  geri4):crt  iet)cr  t)irt5 
AHtpts  rlcd'cit  x^jTe  errt(llid)c(l  j»it)erefent/tm  funflawc^  in  flrcitgcr 
t^'-^cd)tnu0  wt)  t>4rttba^img6c^ltm/t>4m»tt^6ii^  wir  vita  ernji 
lid?  vcrla(]c!t,^4twm  wt  irt  Urerie. 

50.  Begleitschreiben 


6.  "Blancandin  et  I'Orgueillcuse  d'amour."  One  of  four  surviving 
manuscripts  of  the  Old  French  text  of  this  anonymous  thirteenth- 
century  romance,  v^ritten  in  rhymed  couplets.  This  manuscript, 
written  in  France  about  1300,  has  lines  415  to  5,500;  other  verses, 
probably  about  1,000,  at  the  beginning  and  the  end,  are  missing. 
Only  one  other  manuscript  is  more  nearly  complete;  another  is 
merely  a  fragment  of  a  few  lines.  The  Pennsylvania  manuscript  was 
unrecorded  before  the  Library  acquired  it  in  1953.  Edited  and  pub- 
hshed  by  Franklin  P.  Sweetser  in  1964,  in  Geneva.  On  vellum;  136 
leaves;  15.5  X  12  cm.  -  MS. French  22.  (See  illustration.) 

7.  Rule  of  the  Hospital  at  Eichstatt,  Spital  zum  Heiligen  Geist. 
Written  at  Eichstatt  about  1230.  This  is  the  only  existing  manu- 
script of  this  rule,  and  one  of  the  earliest  rules  in  any  vernacular 
language.  From  folio  6,  verso  (illustrated):  "Wie  man  buezen  sul, 
der  trunket  wirt,"  or,  in  modern  German,  "Wie  man  den  strafen 
soil,  der  sich  betrinkt":  "If  a  monk  becomes  drunk  for  the  first  time, 
the  master  must  punish  him.  And  if  he  gets  drunk  again,  he  must 
fast  for  seven  days.  And  if  he  gets  drunk  a  third  time,  he  must  do 
penance  for  forty  days.  And  should  he  not  improve,  he  must  drink  no 
wine  for  a  whole  year.  And  if  he  persists  in  drunkenness,  he  must  be 
expelled  from  the  hospital."  The  manuscript  was  transcribed  and 
translated  into  modern  German  by  Andreas  Bauch,  in  Sammelhlatt 
des  Historischen  Vereins  Eichstatt,  64  (1971),  7-84.  On  vellum;  11 
leaves;  21 X  15  cm.  -  MS. German  69. 

8.  Cartulary  of  the  Benedictine  abbey  of  Monte  Aragon,  near  Hues- 
ca,  in  northern  Spain.  Of  the  late  thirteenth  century,  this  compilation 
of  the  abbey's  records  is  unpublished  and  was  unknown  until  ac- 
quired by  the  Library.  One  of  the  oldest  cartularies  in  the  United 
States.  Vellum;  163  leaves;  24x16.5  cm.  -  MS.Lea  594.  (See 
illustration.) 

9.  Statutes  of  the  "Ordre  de  la  Nef "  Also  known  as  "Ordre  du 
Navire"  or  "Ordre  des  Argonautes  de  St.  Nicolas,"  this  was  a 
crusading  order  created  by  Charles  III,  king  of  Jerusalem,  Sicily,  and 
Naples,  duke  of  Durazzo.  Its  hfe  was  short,  lasting  only  from  1381 
to  1386.  This  seems  to  be  the  only  existing  manuscript  of  these 
statutes — probably  the  copy  prepared  for  Charles  himself  The  first 

[165  ] 


leaf  has  on  it  the  arms  of  the  king  and  an  elaborate  illuminated 
initial  "L."  On  vellum;  21  leaves;  32.5x23  cm.  The  manuscript  is 
now  being  edited  for  publication  by  d'A.  J.  D.  Boulton.  -  MS. 
French  83.  (See  illustration.) 

10.  "Chansonnier,"  containing  310  poems;  written  about  1400; 
among  the  authors  are  Guillaume  de  Machaut,  Oton  de  Grandson, 
Brisebarre  de  Douai,  and  Eustache  Deschamps.  It  is  described,  briefly 
and  imperfectly,  in  Archivum  romanicum,  16  (1932),  1-20.  Ninety- 
five  of  the  anonymous  ballades  have  been  edited  by  Charles  R. 
Mudge  in  an  as  yet  unpublished  dissertation  (Indiana  University, 
1972);  for  several  he  has  identified  the  authors.  On  vellum;  101 
leaves  (in  double  columns);  30x24.2  cm.  -  MS. French  15.  (See 
illustration.) 

11.  "Meditationes"  of  Turrecremata  (Cardinal  Juan  de  Torque- 
mada).  One  of  six  known  manuscripts  of  this  text.  Several  printed 
editions  appeared  before  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century;  this  manu- 
script, according  to  a  note  at  the  end,  was  written  in  1469  by  Ulrich 
Han,  the  printer  of  the  first  edition,  Rome,  1467  (of  which  only  four 
copies  are  known);  he  also  issued  editions  dated  1473  and  1478.  There 
is  no  existing  edition  of  1469.  Probably  this  manuscript  was  the 
printer's  text  for  the  first,  or  1467,  edition,  which,  if  this  theory  is 
true,  is  misdated  and  should  be  1469  or  later.  Large  blank  spaces 
occur  on  many  pages — spaces  left  for  the  illustrations  that  appear  in 
the  printed  editions.  Written  on  paper;  27  leaves;  27x20  cm.  This 
and  the  other  manuscripts  are  discussed  by  Lamberto  Donati  in  The 
Library  Chronicle,  21  (1955),  51-60,  and  La  bibliofiUa  (Florence),  76 
(1974),  1-34.  -  MS.Latin  37.  (See  illustration.) 

12.  "Collatio,"  by  Francesco  Petrarca.  The  only  known  copy  of  this 
text,  identified  as  the  work  of  Petrarch  in  1962.  The  manuscript  is  a 
six-leaf  essay,  in  Latin,  which  discusses  the  strengths  and  weaknesses 
of  Hannibal,  Alexander  the  Great,  and  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus. 
Described  by  Guido  Martellotti  in  The  Library  Chronicle,  28  (1962), 
109-114,  and  published  by  him  in  Studies  in  Honor  of  Berthold  Louis 
Ullman,  ed.  Charles  Henderson  (Rome,  1964),  11,  [i45]-i68.  The 
Friends  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library  issued  a  facsimile 
edition  in  1974.  The  manuscript  is  contained  in  a  miscellany  volume 

[  166  ] 


with  thirteen  other  pieces,  the  whole  having  105  leaves;  it  was 
written  in  Italy,  in  the  same  hand  throughout,  about  1475.  On  paper; 
23  X  17  cm.  -  MS.Latin  7. 

13.  "Myrour  to  lewde  men  and  wymmen,"  one  of  four  known 
manuscripts  of  this  religious  manual  for  the  "lewde,"  that  is,  the 
"ignorant."  It  was  written  in  England  in  the  early  fifteenth  century. 
An  earlier  version,  in  verse,  was  called  "Speculum  vitae."  The  manu- 
script, written  on  vellum,  is  highly  decorative,  with  91  illuminated 
initials  and  a  number  of  appropriate  marginal  drawings.  On  folio  95, 
recto,  for  instance,  a  marginal  drawing  of  a  fish  on  a  line  illustrates 
Chapter  9  of  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes:  "Sicut  pissis  capitur  hamo  sic 
homines  capiuntur  in  luxuria  tempore  malo.  That  is  to  seie  as  the 
fisshe  is  caught  with  the  hook,  so  beth  men  caghte  with  the  synne  of 
leccherie  in  yvel  tyme."  Written  on  vellum;  168  leaves;  26X  18  cm. 
Discussed  by  E.  V.  Stover  in  The  Library  Chronicle,  16  (1949),  81-86. 

-  MS.English  3.  (See  illustration.) 

14.  A  version  of  the  Alexander  the  Great  legend,  in  German,  by 
Seifrit  (fl.  1350);  the  manuscript,  of  160  leaves,  was  written  in 
Austria  or  southern  Germany  in  the  early  fifteenth  century.  Save  for 
one  fragment,  it  is  the  earliest  manuscript  of  this  text  known.  There 
are  two  other  works  bound  with  this  one,  both  written  at  least  a 
half-century  later:  Albrecht  von  Eyb,  "Grisardis"  (based  on  Pe- 
trarch's "Griseldis"),  one  of  three  surviving  manuscripts  (54  leaves), 
and  Nicolaus  von  Wyle,  "Euriolus  und  Lucretius,"  a  free  translation 
of  the  work  by  Aeneas  Sylvius,  Pope  Pius  II  (56  leaves).  Written  on 
paper,  and  bound  in  early  sixteenth-century  calf  over  wooden  boards. 

-  MS. German  6. 

15.  Innamoramento  di  Carlo  Magno  e  dei  suoi  paladini.  Venice,  Georg 
Walch,  July  20,  1481.  The  only  surviving  copy  of  the  first  printed 
edition  of  this  famous  Italian  chivalric  romance  about  Charlemagne 
and  his  knights.  Only  three  other  books  printed  by  Georg  Walch 
are  known,  one  undated,  the  others  1479  and  1482.  A  number  of 
contemporary  pen-and-ink  drawings  appear  throughout  the  volume. 
The  unusually  decorative  morocco  binding  is  of  the  late  sixteenth 
century.  This  is  the  copy  described  by  Reichling,  Appendices  ad 

[  167  1 


Hainii-Copingeri  hihliographicum,  no.  1163.  247  leaves;  folio.  GofF, 
Incunabula  in  American  Libraries  c  204.  (See  illustrations.) 

16.  Hierocles  of  Alexandria.  Fifth  century  a.d.  In  aureos  versus 
Pythagorae  opuscuimn.  Padua,  Bartholomacus  de  Valdezoccho,  1474. 
A  popular  commentary  on  the  "Golden  verses  of  the  Pythagoreans." 
Copies  of  this  book  are  not  uncommon.  However,  at  the  end  of  this 
copy  the  Pythagorean  verses  are  written  out  in  manuscript  in  both 
Greek  and  Latin  by  Johannes  Conon  (vernacular  name  Kuno)  of 
Nuremberg  (1463-1513);  also,  a  note  dated  1496  refers  to  a  copy  of 
Pythagoras  lent  him  by  Johann  Reuchlin.  Conon,  a  Dominican  who 
at  one  time  lived  in  Padua,  worked  for  the  Basel  printer  Johann 
Amerbach  both  as  tutor  to  his  children  and  as  proofreader.  Well- 
known  humanists  of  the  time,  including  Reuchlin  and  Beatus  Rhe- 
nanus,  considered  Conon  a  master  of  the  Greek  language.  92  leaves; 
quarto.  GofFn  151.  (See  illustration.) 

17.  De  quantitate  sillabarum.  Paris,  Georg  Mittelhus  (about  1488).  A 
school  grammar  of  six  leaves.  This  and  similar  texts  were  printed 
often,  usually  called  "Regulae  grammaticales,"  as  this  one  is  termed 
on  the  fnial  leaf  This  is  the  only  copy  known  of  this  edition.  The 
title  page  and  last  page  are  reproduced  in  A.  Claudin,  Histoire  de 
Vimprimerie  en  France  (1900-14),  11,  8,  but  there  is  no  indication  there 
of  the  location  of  another  copy.  Quarto.  Goff  Q  13.  (See  illustration.) 

18.  Filippo  Buonaccorsi  (d.  1496).  Attila.  (Venice?  Antonius  de 
Strata?)  About  1489.  A  brief  life  of  Attila  the  Hun.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  the  work  is  really  directed  at  Matthias  Corvinus,  king 
of  Hungary.  Buonaccorsi,  who  adopted  the  classical  name  "Calli- 
machus,"  was  an  Italian  diplomat  and  historian  who  for  many  years 
served  Casimir  IV,  king  of  Poland.  Only  one  other  copy  of  this  book 
is  known  (in  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale  Marciana,  Venice).  16  leaves; 
quarto.  Goff  b  1284.  (See  illustration.) 

19.  Plutarch.  Opuscula  (also  called  Moralia).  Venice,  Aldus  Manutius, 
1509.  Published  as  one  volume,  but  bound  as  two.  This  copy  be- 
longed to  Philippus  Gundelius  of  Passau  (d.  1567),  professor  of 
Greek  at  Vienna  in  the  early  sixteenth  century  and  later  professor  of 
jurisprudence  at  the  University  of  Cracow,  Poland.  There  are  two 
manuscript  notes,  in  Latin,  on  the  title  page.  One  identifies  the 

[  168  1 


owner  of  the  book,  with  the  date  1521  (the  year  he  left  Vienna);  the 
other,  dated  1536,  says  that  the  vokimes  stayed  with  him  through  all 
his  travels,  including  a  shipwreck.  There  are  innumerable  manu- 
script marginal  notes  throughout  the  book;  on  the  final  blank  leaf 
Gundelius  has  copied  the  Greek  verses  he  saw  on  a  statue  of  Plutarch 
erected  by  the  Romans,  and  has  added  a  Latin  version  of  them. 
1050  pages;  folio.  (See  illustrations.) 

20.  William  of  Ockham.  Summa  totius  logicae.  Paris,  J.  Higman, 
1488.  This  copy  of  a  well-known  medieval  text  on  logic  has  an 
interesting  typographical  peculiarity.  All  pages  of  the  book  are 
printed  in  roman  type  except  for  two  conjugate  leaves  (bi  and  b8) 
that  are  printed  in  black  letter,  or  gothic,  type.  Of  the  considerable 
number  of  copies  of  this  edition  known,  this  and  one  other  are  ap- 
parently the  only  ones  with  this  irregularity.  Probably  the  printer 
was  still  selling  his  book  years  after  the  publication  date  of  1488,  and 
after  he  had  sold  or  destroyed  his  roman  type;  finding  himself  with- 
out any  copies  of  the  sheet  that  made  up  these  leaves,  he  had  to 
reset  and  run  off  some  copies  in  the  only  type  he  had  left,  the  gothic. 
We  can  thus  infer  that  there  was  a  continuing  demand  for  the  book 
and  that  it  commanded  a  price  high  enough  to  justify  this  special 
procedure.  Discussed  by  L.  W.  Riley  in  The  Papers  of  the  Biblio- 
graphical Society  of  America,  54  (i960),  176.  126  leaves;  folio.  Goff 
oil.  (See  illustration.) 

21.  "De  Mundo,"  translated  from  Greek  into  Latin  by  Joannes 
Argyropoulos  (d.  1487).  A  manuscript,  written  in  Italy  about  1500. 
This  text,  ascribed  to  Aristotle  during  the  Middle  Ages,  was  in  fact 
written  in  Greek  in  the  first  or  second  century  a.d.  Argyropoulos 
was  a  Byzantine  scholar  who  lived  for  many  years  in  Italy;  his 
Aristotelian  translations  were  popular  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 
centuries.  This  translation  of  the  "De  Mundo"  is  known  in  no  other 
manuscript  or  printed  text;  it  has  been  transcribed  and  edited  in  an 
unpublished  University  of  Pennsylvania  dissertation  by  Grace  F. 
Muscarella  (Philadelphia,  1958).  16  leaves;  20x14  cm.  The  manu- 
script is  bound  with  three  other  cosmographies — by  Plato,  Philo,  and 
Cleomedes — all  in  Latin  translation,  but  not  by  Argyropoulos. 
Throughout  the  text  there  are  marginal  notes  in  another  hand,  some 
of  them  in  Greek.  340  leaves  in  all.  -  MS.Latin  13. 

[  169  ] 


22.  Aristophanes.  Ranae  ('The  Frogs').  Basel,  Johannes  Frobenius, 
1524.  The  first  separate  Greek  edition  of  this  play.  This  copy  was 
used  as  a  textbook  by  a  "M [agister]  Jacobus,"  who  has  written  his 
name  below  the  title  and  filled  almost  every  page  with  notes,  in 
Latin.  He  refers  to  some  contemporary  authorities,  among  them 
Erasmus  and  a  work  by  Joachim  Camerarius  published  in  1556. 
Since  he  also  refers  to  the  emperor  Charles  V,  who  abdicated  in  1556, 
this  was  presumably  the  year  in  which  he  studied  this  Greek  text, 
probably  using  it  to  enter  lecture  notes.  The  type  pages  are  heavily 
leaded — the  lines  are  widely  separated — as  was  common  for  text- 
books. Described  by  Lloyd  W.  Daly  in  The  Library  Chronicle,  20 
(1954),  66-68.  36  leaves;  quarto.  (See  illustration.) 

23.  "Ars  epistolaris,"  a  manuscript  written  in  Germany  in  1512. 
This  brief  treatise  on  the  art  of  letter  writing  (with  its  five  prelimi- 
nary texts)  has,  as  our  manuscript  catalogue  entry  says,  "a  definite 
but  unsolved  connection  with  Urbanus  Rieger  (i.e.,  Urbanus  Rhe- 
gius)."  Rhegius  (1489-1541),  whose  name  appears  on  some  of  the 
pages  of  the  volume  (four  times  in  Hebrew  characters),  was  an 
important  humanist  and  theologian  and  associate  of  Martin  Luther. 
The  texts  are  probably  lecture  notes  taken  down  at  the  University  at 
Ingolstadt,  later  to  become  the  University  of  Munich.  Described  by 
Rudolf  Hirsch  in  Gutenberg  Jahrbuch  ig6g,  pp.  61-63.  18  leaves; 
20.5  X  14.5  cm.  -  MS.Latin  242.  (See  illustration.) 

24.  Johannes  Cochlaeus.  Bockspiel  Mainz,  1531.  A  satire  on  Luther 
and  other  Reformation  figures,  now  generally  ascribed  to  Cochlaeus 
(originally  named  Dobneck),  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  the 
Catholic  opponents  of  Luther.  As  befits  the  title,  on  the  title  page  are 
small  woodcuts  of  gamboling  goats.  Only  one  other  copy  of  this 
book  has  been  recorded.  24  leaves;  quarto.  (See  illustration.) 

25.  Ramon  Lull.  Ars  iuris.  Rome,  1516,  The  first  edition  of  this  work 
by  the  Catalan  philosopher  and  mystic  (d.  1315).  Only  one  other 
copy,  at  Munich,  is  known.  This  copy  has  extensive  contemporary 
corrections  throughout,  some  inked  in,  others  on  paper  slips  pasted 
over  the  printed  words.  This  was  probably  done  from  a  manuscript 
considered  a  superior  reading  of  the  text.  On  the  third  leaf  appears 

[  170  1 


one  of  the  circular  designs  often  found  in  Lull's  works;  this  one  is 
colored  by  hand.  23  leaves;  quarto.  (See  illustration.) 

26.  Johannes  Dietenberger.  Wider  C XXXIX  Schlussrede  Mar.  Lu- 
thers.  Strassburg,  1523.  This  tract,  presumably  by  Dietenberger,  at- 
tacking Martin  Luther's  views  on  clerical  life,  actually  contains  a 
work  by  John  Fisher,  bishop  of  Rochester,  who  attacks  Luther's 
views  on  the  mass.  The  translator  of  both  of  these  works,  Johannes 
Cochlaeus,  in  1523  gave  two  manuscripts  to  the  printer  Johann 
Griininger  of  Strassburg.  But  in  Griininger's  shop  the  manuscripts 
were  mixed  up  and  most  of  the  text  of  each  work  appeared  under  the 
wrong  author.  A  contemporary  reader  has  noted  the  error  in  a 
manuscript  line,  in  German,  on  the  title  page:  "This  book  speaks 
chiefly  of  the  highly  important  sacrament  of  holy  communion, 
whether  common  people  should  partake  in  one  or  two  kinds,  and  of 
faith,  but  not,  as  in  the  title,  of  vows  and  clerical  life."  28  leaves; 
quarto.  The  Library  also  has  the  John  Fisher  work,  as  translated  by 
Cochlaeus,  published  by  Griininger  the  next  year,  with  the  proper 
title:  Von  dem  hochgelerten  .  .  .  bischoffjo.  vo  Rossen  .  .  .  seines grossen 
ni'itzlichen  bucks  zwen  artickel.  .  .  .  Discussed  by  L.  W.  Riley  in  The 
Library  Chronicle,  21  (1955),  6-8.  34  leaves;  quarto.  (See  illustration.) 

27.  Gaspar  Lax.  Tractatus  parvorum  logicalium.  Saragossa,  1521.  A 
rare  edition  of  a  work  on  logic  by  a  scholar  of  Aragon.  Lax  (d. 
1560)  taught  in  Paris,  and  editions  of  his  works  printed  in  Spain  are 
not  common.  No  edition  of  this  text  is  in  either  the  British  Museum 
or  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  in  Paris,  nor  do  these  libraries  have 
any  Spanish  editions  of  this  author.  There  is  no  record  of  any  other 
copy  of  this  book  in  the  United  States,  and  Palau  y  Dulcet,  Manual 
del  librero  Hispano-Americano  knows  only  one  copy,  in  a  library  in 
Saragossa  (no.  133342).  77  leaves;  foho.  (See  illustration.) 

28.  Giovanni  Crisostomo  Zanchi.  Panegyricus.  Rome,  Antonio  Blado, 
1536.  A  Latin  poem  in  praise  of  the  emperor  Charles  V.  On  the 
blank  fourth  leaf  there  is  an  eight-line  Latin  poem  in  manuscript  by 
Basilio  Zanchi  (1501-1558),  addressed  to  the  author,  his  brother. 
Manuscript  corrections  in  the  same  hand  appear  throughout  the 
text.  Basilio  Zanchi  was  a  poet  of  some  note.  The  brothers,  both  of 
them  canons  of  St.  John  Lateran  in  Rome,  were  cousins  of  Girolamo 

[  171  ] 


Zanchi,  also  a  canon  of  St.  John  Lateran,  who  later  became  a  Prot- 
estant. 20  leaves;  quarto. 

29.  Ein  Ordmmg  eincs  vernihijftigen  Hausshakers.  Nuremberg,  Johann 
Stuchs,  1530.  This  "Rule  for  a  prudent  head  of  a  family"  is  ap- 
parently a  unique  copy — at  least,  it  has  not  been  recorded  in  any 
available  bibliography  or  catalogue,  including  an  exhaustive  list  of 
the  publications  of  the  Stuchs  establishment  (Georg,  Johann,  and 
Nikolaus),  which  flourished  from  1484  to  1537  [Gutenberg  Jahrhuch 
1954,  pp.  122-132).  The  pamphlet  has  no  imprint;  the  printer  has 
been  identified  by  means  of  the  title-page  border  and  the  type.  6 
leaves;  duodecimo.  (See  illustration.) 

30.  Georg  Wernher.  Hypomnefuacion  de  aquis  in  Scepusio  adniirandis. 
Vienna  (about  1550?).  In  1551  Wernher  published  at  Vienna  a  tract 
on  the  spas  of  Hungary :  De  adniirandis  Hungariae  aquis  hypomnemation. 
25  leaves;  quarto.  The  Library's  copy  of  this  work  has  bound  within 
it  the  Hypomnemacion,  a  smaller  and  very  rare  tract,  a  four-leaf  de- 
scription of  one  of  the  spas,  that  at  Szepes  (formerly  in  Hungary, 
now  in  Czechoslovakia).  There  is  no  imprint;  it  is  probably  earlier, 
and  from  a  different  press.  Both  works  are  dedicated  to  Sigismund, 
Freiherr  von  Herberstein  (1486-1566),  imperial  envoy  to  eastern 
Europe,  and  author  of  the  first  printed  description  of  Russia.  The 
shorter  work  also  has  a  manuscript  presentation  note  to  Herberstein 
from  Wernher  which  can  be  transcribed  as  follows:  "M[agnifico] 
D[omino],  D[omino]  Sig[ismundo],  l[ibero]  B[aroni]  i[n]  Herb[er- 
stein],  d[ono]  d[edit]  [Wernerus]."  The  author  has  made  two  cor- 
rections in  the  poem  on  the  title  page.  These  pamphlets  were  un- 
doubtedly at  one  time  part  of  a  volume  belonging  to  Herberstein. 
The  Library  also  has  a  map  of  the  Cirknisko  Jezero,  a  lake  in  what  is 
now  Yugoslavia,  one  of  the  watering  places  described  by  Wernher. 
Although  almost  certainly  issued  with  the  longer  Wernher  tract,  it  is 
now  bound  with  another  pamphlet  in  the  Library's  collection  (of  the 
year  1550)  that  originally  was  also  part  of  Herberstein's  pamphlet 
volume.  Described  by  Rudolf  Hirsch  in  Gutenberg  Jahrbuch  ig6j, 
pp.  120-121.  (See  illustrations.) 

31.  Alixandre  le  Grant  [Alexander  the  Great].  Paris,  Michel  Le  Noir 
(about  1520?).  A  French  prose  version  of  the  popular  medieval 

[  172  ] 


Alexander  romance  that  was  written  in  the  thirteenth  century. 
Eleven  printed  editions  of  this  work  between  1506  and  1630  have 
been  identified,  but  so  far  as  can  be  discovered,  only  one  of  these 
editions  survives  in  more  than  one  copy — evidence  of  the  popularity 
of  this  life  of  Alexander;  see  The  Library  (Oxford),  5th  series,  7 
(1952),  54-57.  Our  edition  (lacking  leaves  at  the  end)  was  briefly 
described  in  a  French  bibliography  in  1878,  but  did  not  surface  again 
until  we  bought  it  in  1961.  A  manuscript  note  on  the  title  page  says 
that  M.  Longinger,  a  German  living  in  Lyons,  acquired  the  book 
January  6,  1527.  The  pamphlet  was  described  and  dated  by  L.  W. 
Riley  in  The  Library,  5th  series,  20  (1965),  243-244.  44  leaves;  quarto. 

32.  Ordnufig  in  Eesachen.  (Tubingen?  Ulrich  Morhart?  1536?)  Mar- 
riage regulations  for  the  duchy  of  Wiirttemberg.  One  other  copy  of 
this  pamphlet  is  known,  at  the  University  of  Basel;  it  has  manu- 
script notes  by  Bonifacius  Amerbach.  These  regulations  were  prob- 
ably printed  for  private  distribution,  as  a  draft  prepared  before  the 
projected  but  never  formally  adopted  state  law.  There  is  no  imprint 
or  date.  The  Wiirttemberg  arms  appear  on  the  title  page.  This  copy  is 
just  as  it  came  from  the  press — completely  untrimmed,  unopened, 
and  unfolded.  Described  by  Rudolf  Hirsch  in  Gutenberg  Jahrbuch 
1953,  pp.  96-97.  6  leaves;  quarto  (29.5  X  21  cm.  unfolded).  It  is  worth 
noting  that  five  of  the  rare  pieces  described  here  are  from  Wiirttem- 
berg (numbers  32,  42,  47,  49,  and  50).  They  were  acquired  at  dif- 
ferent times  (from  1951  to  1963),  and  from  different  sources.  The 
reason  for  this  concentration  of  Wiirttemberg  material — some  of  it 
in  unusually  good  condition — has  not  been  determined  yet. 

33.  Consuetudines  nobilis  civitatis  Messane.  Palermo,  1559.  The  laws  of 
Messina,  Italy.  Not  the  first  edition  of  these  statutes.  They  were  first 
printed  in  1498  and  several  times  later  reprinted,  but  the  second  edi- 
tion, 1539,  and  third,  1559,  seem  to  be  very  rare.  The  arms  of  the  city 
appear  on  the  title  page.  8  leaves;  quarto.  -  The  Lea  Library.  (See 
illustration.) 

34.  Johann  Tolmer  Breidbach.  Carmen  panegyricon.  Bologna,  G. 
Rossi  (1563?).  A  Latin  poem  celebrating  the  building  (in  1562-1563) 
of  the  Archiginnasio,  the  principal  building  of  the  university  at 
Bologna,  now  a  great  municipal  library.  The  author,  of  Cologne,  an 

[  173   ] 


alumnus  of  the  university  as  he  states  in  the  title,  cannot  be  otherwise 
identified,  nor  apparently  is  this  pamphlet  recorded  anywhere  else. 
4  leaves;  quarto.  (See  illustration.) 

35.  Saint  Catherine  of  Siena.  A  sixteenth-century  proof  sheet  (3 1 X  20 
cm.)  of  an  as  yet  unidentified  Spanish  booklet  on  St.  Catherine.  The 
watermark  indicates  a  date  of  about  1560.  The  sheet  has  on  each  side 
eight  woodcuts  of  scenes  from  the  life  of  the  saint,  each  cut  about 
8x5  cm.  Many  other  editions  of  the  legend  of  St.  Catherine  are 
known,  but  seemingly  none  with  exactly  these  woodcuts.  The  sheet 
was  received  by  the  Library  as  a  wrapper,  or  waste  sheet,  around  a 
seventeenth-century  religious  tract  published  in  Spain.  (See  illus- 
tration.) 

36.  Antoine  du  Verdier.  Les  Omonimes.  Lyons,  1 572.  A  satirical  poem 
in  237  rhyming  couplets;  each  pair  of  lines  involves  a  play  on  words, 
e.g.,  "Me  poussant  a  cela  vouloit  guider  mes  chants  /  A  desgoiser 
bien  haut  la  vie  des  meschans"  (p.  4).  Du  Verdier  (1544-1600)  was  a 
well-known  book  collector  and  bibliographer,  and  a  minor  poet. 
12  leaves;  quarto.  (See  illustration.)  The  Library  has  two  other 
works  whose  interest  also  lies  in  factitious  word-play,  neither  par- 
ticularly rare,  however.  One  is  another  satire,  in  Latin:  Pugna  por- 
coruni  per  P.  Porcium  poctam,  written  by  Joannes  Leo  Placentius, 
Augsburg,  1530;  every  word  throughout  the  sixteen-page  pamphlet 
begins  with  the  letter  "p."  The  title  border  is  a  woodcut  by  Hans 
Weiditz.  Octavo.  (See  illustration.)  Another  alliterative  Latin  poem, 
by  Christianus  Pierius,  is  called:  Christus  crucifixus:  carmen  cothurna- 
tum.  Frankfurt,  1576.  Every  word  here  begins  with  the  letter  "c." 
Throughout  are  small  woodcuts  on  the  life  of  Christ,  accompanied 
by  short  non-alliterative  verses  in  both  Latin  and  German.  54  leaves; 
octavo. 

37.  Juan  Luis  Vives  (1492-1540).  Les  dialogues.  Paris,  Buon,  1576.  A 
French  translation,  by  Benjamin  Jamin,  of  Vives'  Linguae  latinae 
exercitatio  (first  published  in  1539),  a  very  popular  schoolbook,  pub- 
lished in  English  in  1908  as  Tudor  School-hoy  L//e.  Jamin's  translation 
was  published  earlier,  in  1563,  but  no  other  copy  of  the  1576  edition 
can  be  traced.  184  leaves;  octavo. 

[  174  ] 


38.  Nicodemus  Frischlin  (d.  1590).  Demonstratio  Graecos  non  carere 
ahlativo.  Strassburg,  1586.  A  four-leaf  pamphlet  on  Greek  grammar 
by  an  important  philologist,  playwright,  and  poet.  Records  show 
only  one  other  copy  (an  imperfect  one)  in  the  United  States,  and 
only  a  handful  in  Europe.  The  copy  in  the  Library's  collection  is  an 
unusually  £ne  one,  untrimmed  and  unopened.  Quarto.  (See  illus- 
tration.) 

39.  "Feuerwerkbuch."  Germany,  1584.  Manuscript  on  fireworks, 
including  military  applications  of  gunpowder.  With  numerous  il- 
lustrations in  color.  On  paper;  235  leaves;  31x20.5  cm.  -  Smith 
Collection,  MS. 2.  (See  illustration.) 

40.  Lope  de  Vega  Carpio.  Two  autograph  manuscripts  of  the  fa- 
mous Spanish  playwright  (1562-1630):  "Carlos  V  en  Francia," 
signed;  dated  at  Toledo,  November  20,  1604;  68  leaves;  21 X  15  cm.; 
MS. Spanish  3.  And  "Los  Benavides,"  signed;  dated  at  Madrid,  June 
15,  1600;  57  leaves;  21x15.5  cm.;  MS. Spanish  50.  There  are  only 
two  other  autograph  manuscripts  of  Lope  in  the  United  States. 
Carlos  V  en  Francia,  edited  by  Arnold  G.  Reichenberger,  was  pub- 
lished by  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Press  in  1963,  El  primer 0 
Benavides,  edited  by  Dr.  Reichenberger  and  Augusta  Espantoso 
Foley,  in  1973.  (See  illustration.) 

The  following  ten  items  are  broadsides,  single  sheets  written  or  printed  on 
one  side  only,  some  of  them  of  considerable  size. 

4L  A  vellum  sheet,  45  X  30  cm.,  containing  an  account  of  payments 
made  to  carpenters  for  work  on  a  bridge  and  paper  mill  at  Troyes, 
France,  in  1392.  Originally  part  of  a  larger  collection  of  similar 
records.  104  lines.  -  MS. French  106. 

42.  Maximilian  I,  Holy  Roman  Emperor.  A  proclamation  concern- 
ing the  deposed  duke  of  Wiirttemberg,  Eberhard  II,  der  Jiingere, 
November  19,  1499.  Printed  at  Tiibingen  by  J.  Otmar,  1499.  43.5  X 
32  cm.  One  of  only  two  copies  in  the  United  States.  Goff  m  383. 

43.  Innocent  VIII,  pope.  Bull  of  January  6,  1484  [i.e.,  1485].  Mem- 
mingen,  A.  Kunne,  1485.  A  bull  that  canonizes  St.  Leopold,  mar- 
grave of  Austria  (d.  1136).  43.5  X  32  cm.  A  four-leaf  quarto  edition 
printed  in  Austria  is  relatively  common,  but  this  copy  of  the  broad- 

[  175  ] 


side  edition  is  the  only  one  in  the  United  States.  Goffi  103.  (See 
illustration.) 

44.  Charles  V,  Holy  Roman  Emperor.  A  proclamation  against  the 
outlaw  Albrecht  Alcibiades,  margrave  of  Brandenburg-Kulmbach, 
May  18,  1554.  The  stamped  signature  "Carolus"  and  the  imperial 
seal  appear  at  the  bottom.  This  document  is  part  of  a  considerable 
collection  in  the  Library  concerned  with  the  "Grumbachische  Han- 
del," an  attempt  by  Wilhelm  von  Grumbach  (d.  1567)  to  destroy  the 
power  of  the  German  territorial  princes.  Albrecht  was,  until  his  de- 
feat and  exile  in  1553,  an  associate  of  Grumbach.  See  article  and 
catalogue  by  L.  W.  Riley  in  The  Library  Chronicle,  20  (1954),  17-22. 
(See  illustration.) 

45.  Thomas  de  Prato,  bishop  of  Clermont.  An  inspeximus  dated 
January  7,  1526  (i.e.,  1527),  addressed  to  the  king  and  others  in 
France,  confirming  the  bull  issued  by  Clement  VII  the  preceding 
November.  The  document  concerns  the  war  against  the  Turks, 
Printed  on  vellum;  54  X  49  cm. 

46.  Papal  dispensation.  Rome,  about  1510.  A  form  (not  filled  in)  for 
a  marriage  dispensation  for  consanguinity,  granted  to  raise  money 
for  the  building  of  St.  Peter's  in  Rome.  Engraved  on  vellum, 
22  X  34.5  cm.  A  similar  form  is  discussed  by  Lamberto  Donati  in  La 
bihliojilia,  51  (1949),  [i54]-i65.  (See  illustration.) 

47.  Ulrich  I,  duke  of  Wiirttemberg.  A  poster  dated  September  16, 
1516,  that  defends  the  duke  against  the  charge  of  murdering  his 
chamberlain,  Hans  von  Hutten  (cousin  of  Ulrich  von  Hutten).  His 
defense — that  Hans  had  been  executed  for  treason — was  designed  to 
be  posted  throughout  the  duchy.  Printed  in  four  sheets  which  have 
been  pasted  together,  totalling  75  X  55.5  cm.  This  is  apparently  the 
only  copy  now  known  of  the  original  edition,  although  a  reprint 
appeared  in  the  eighteenth  century.  Discussed  by  Rudolf  Hirsch  in 
Papers  of  the  Bibliographical  Society  of  America,  48  (1954),  414-416. 

48.  Johann  Nas  (1534-1590).  Ecclesia  militans.  Germany,  1588.  Nas 
was  one  of  the  most  prolific  of  the  Catholic  controversialists  of  the 
Counter-Reformation  period.  This  long  poem,  with  a  large  woodcut 
illustration  at  the  top  and  stanzas  keyed  to  the  appropriate  sections  of 

[  176  1 


the  illustration,  is  an  attack  on  his  opponents;  among  those  men- 
tioned by  name  are  Georg  Maior  (d.  1574),  Matthaeus  Flacius, 
Illyricus  (d.  1575),  and  the  Anabaptists.  The  broadside  is  dated  1588 
at  the  bottom  although  the  date  1569  appears  in  the  woodcut  itself. 
The  Catalogue  of  the  British  Museum  lists  a  similar  item  dated  1569; 
so  probably  this  is  a  later  issue  of  the  same  text.  64X  39  cm.  (See 
illustration.) 

49  and  50.  Ulrich  I,  duke  of  Wiirttemberg.  A  peasants'  revolt  in 
WiJrttemberg,  known  as  "der  Arme  Konrad,"  was  severely  sup- 
pressed by  Ulrich  on  July  31,  1514.  On  the  16th  and  again  on  the 
19th  of  August  the  duke  issued  proclamations  informing  the  popu- 
lace of  the  revolt  and  its  suppression.  The  Library  possesses  copies  of 
these  rare  broadsides,  both  issued  at  Stuttgart.  The  one  issued  on  the 
16th  is  made  up  of  four  sheets  pasted  together,  top  to  bottom, 
measuring  109.5x44  cm.  The  proclamation,  besides  telling  of  the 
revolt,  asks  for  help  in  apprehending  fugitives.  The  proclamation  of 
the  19th  is  smaller,  43  X  32.5  cm.:  no  one  is  to  feed  or  shelter  a  rebel 
peasant;  those  disobeying  will  be  treated  as  outlaws  themselves;  there 
are  to  be  no  public  assemblies  without  permission. 

Accompanying  the  proclamations  are  two  smaller  sheets  which  are 
printed  letters,  or  "Begleitschreiben,"  designed  to  be  sent  along  with 
the  proclamations;  they  are  addressed  to  bishops,  abbots,  counts, 
freemen,  and  bailiffs,  commanding  that  the  proclamations  be  posted 
publicly  and  read  in  every  village.  The  larger  of  these  letters  (22  X  32 
cm.)  was  sent  with  the  August  16  document,  and  has  that  date.  The 
smaller  letter  (16x23  cm.)  so  reads  that  it  could  accompany  either 
proclamation;  at  the  end  appears  "Datum  ut  in  literis"  ("Dated  as  in 
the  document").  These  ephemeral  printed  letters  are  very  rare.  The 
smaller  one,  in  particular,  is  known  only  in  one  other  copy,  in 
Stuttgart.  (See  illustrations.) 


[  177 


Italian  Plays  Printed  before  1701 
in  the  University  Library 

M.  A.  SHAABER* 

THE  printings  of  plays  listed  below  are  fully  described  only 
when  they  are  not  listed  in  one  or  more  of  the  following  cata- 
logues of  Itahan  plays: 

Italian  plays  {1^00-1700)  in  the  Folger  Library:  a  Bibliography  with 
Introduction  by  Louise  George  Clubb.  Florence,  1968  (Biblioteca  di 
Bibliografia  Italiana  lii).  (F.) 

Italian  plays,  1500-1700,  in  the  University  of  Illinois  Library  Compiled  by 
Marvin  T.  Herrick.  Urbana,  111.,  1966.  (I.) 

Catalogue  of  Italian  plays,  1500-1700,  in  the  Library  of  the  University  of 
Toronto  Compiled  by  Beatrice  Corrigan.  Toronto,  1961.  Addenda  in 
Renaissance  News,  xvi  (1963),  298-307,  xix  (1966),  219-228;  Re- 
naissance Quarterly,  xxvii  (1974),  512-532.  (T.) 

(References  to  F  are  by  serial  numbers,  to  I  and  T  by  page  numbers.) 
The  plays  that  are  also  listed  there  are  described  very  briefly,  with 
references  to  the  catalogues  in  which  they  may  be  found,  except  that 
for  those  found  only  in  I  and  T  or  one  of  them  the  format,  the  colla- 
tion, and  the  pagination  or  foliation,  if  any,  of  the  library's  copy  are 
added,  (n.b.  pp.  and^  signify  numbered  pages  or  folios.) 

Accolti,  Bernardo.  Verginia.  Comedia  .  .  .  (Vinegia,  1535.)  F50.  I5. 

Alamanni,  Luigi.  Opere  Toscane  . . .  [parte  seconda]  (Vineggia,)  1533.  8°. 
A-S^  T4.  ff.  2-146.  ^I3r-M8v:  Tragedia  di  Antigone.  I5.  T8. 

Venetijs,  1542.  8°.  *^  a-z^  A-D^  aa-tt^.  pp.  1-431,  2-295.  IfiiS^- 

nn3"^:  Tragedia  di  Antigone.  I5. 

Aleardi,  Lodovico.  L'origine  Di  Vicenza  Fauola  Boscherrecia  Di  Lodouico 
Aleardi  Acadeni.  Olimpico,  &  inuiato,  detto  L'Infecondo.  ...  In  Vi- 
cenza, Per  Francesco  Grossi,  M  DC  XII.  12°.  A-G^^  pp  3-178.  '^Addi- 
tional t.p.:  Intermedii  fatti  Nella  Rappresentatione  deU'origine  di  Vi- 

*  John  Welsh  Centennial  Emeritus  Professor  of  English  History  and  Literature; 
Curator  of  the  Horace  Howard  Furness  Memorial  Library. 

[178    ] 


cenza  II  di  5.  Marzo  1612.  ...  In  Vicenza,  Presso  Francesco  Grossi. 
M  DC  XII.  5  acts;  verse. 

Ambra,  Francesco  d'.  I  Bernardi  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1564.  F333. 

—  Il  furto  comedia  ...  In  Venetia,  appresso  F.  Rampazetto.  (  .  .  .  M  D 
LXI.)  12°.  A-E12.  fF.  2-58. 

Venetia,  1596.  F339.  16. 

Andreini,  Francesco.  Le  capitan  par  vn  commedien  de  la  trouppe  lalouse. 
A  Paris,  Chez  Anthoine  Robinot  .  .  .  M.  DC.  XXXVIII.  8°.  engraved 
t.p.  tt'*  A-M'*.  pp.  1-96.  ^Six  discours  in  prose. 

Anguillara,  Giovanni  Andrea  dell'.  Edippo  tragedia  . . .  Padoua,  1565.  F74. 

Vinegia,  1565.  F75.  I7.  T9. 

Aretino,  Pietro.  Quattro  comedie  .  .  .  [London,]  1588.  F81.  I7.  T9. 

Ariccia,  Accademia  degli  Sfaccendati.  Gl'inganni  innocenti  ouero  I'Ada- 
linda  Fauola  Drammatica  Musicale  Composta,  e  fatta  rappresentare  da 
gl'Accademici  Sfaccendati  nell' Ariccia  ...  In  Ronciglione.  1673.  .  .  . 
12°.  a^  A-D^".  pp.  1-96.  TJTTi:  engraved  t.p.  5  acts;  verse. 

Ariosto,  Lodovico.  Comedie  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1562.  F89.  18. 

Another  copy  ojLz  lena  only.  Vinegia,  1562.  F89b. 

—  Comedia  di  Lodouico  Ariosto  intitolata  Cassaria.  (Stampata  in  Vineg- 
gia  per  Francesco  Bindoni  &  Mapheo  Pasini  compagni.  .  .  .  MDXXX- 
VII.  Del  mese  di  Aprile.)  8°.  A-D^.  fF.  ii-xxxii. 

Vinegia,  1538.  F91.  18. 

Vinegia,  1542.  F92.  Tio. 

La  cassaria,  comedia  .  .  .  ridotto  in  versi.  Vinegia,  1546.  F94. 

—  La  lena,  comedia  .  .  .  (Vinegia,)  1537.  8°.  A-D^.  18. 

—  Il  negromante.  Comedia  .  .  .  (Vinegia,)  1538.  F104.  18. 

—  Scolastica,  comedia  .  .  .  [Venetia,  1547.]  8°.  A-N"*.  T12. 

—  I  suppositi.  Comedia  .  .  .  (Vineggia,  1542.)  F115.  I9.  T12. 

La  comedie  des  supposez  .  .  .  Paris,  1552.  F116. 

Aristippia.  Comedia  chiamata  Aristippia.  .  .  .  (Roma,  1524.)  F7.  Ii. 

—  (Vinegia,)  1530.  F8.  Ii.  T4. 

[  179  ] 


Aristophanes.  Le  comedie  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1545.  F739.  T  {R.N.,  xix,  220). 

Asiani,  Gaspare.  La  pronuba  comedia  .  .  .  Mantoua,  1588.  F121.  T12. 

Asinari,  Fcderico.  La  Gismonda  tragedia  del  Signer.  Torquato  Tasso  ...  A 
Paris,  Chez  Pierre  Cheuillot .  . .  1587.  8°.  a^  A-E^.  fF.  1-40.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Il  Tancredi  tragedia  del  Signer  Conte  di  Camerano.  Dal  Sig.  Ghe- 

rardo  Borgogni  di  nuouo  posta  in  luce.  ...  In  Bergamo,  Per  Comino 
Ventura.  MDLXXXVIIL  4°.  a^  A-PS  Gl  fF.  1-51. 

Aversa,  Tomaso  d'.  Il  Bartolomeo  tragedia  sacra  .  .  .  Trento,  1648.  F123. 

Bargagli,  Girolamo.  La  Pellegrina  commedia  .  .  .  Siena,  1589.  F129.  I9. 
T13. 

Bartolaia,  Lodovico.  La  ninfa  cacciatrice,  Fauola  Boscareccia.  .  .  .  Venetia, 
1620.  12°.  A-E^2  (-E11-12,  prcstimably  blank),  pp.  3-115.  Iio.  T13. 

Belo,  Francesco.  El  Beco  comedia  .  .  .  (Roma,  1538.)  4°.  A-C*.  In.  T14. 

Benedetti,  Pietro.  Il  magico  legato  Tragicomedia  Pastorale  .  .  .  Venetia, 
1607.  F141. 

Bentivoglio,  Ercole.  I  fantasmi  comedia  . . .  Venegia,  1547.  8°.  A-E^.  fF.  2- 
38.  I12. 

—  Il  geloso  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1545.  F144.  I12.  T15. 

Vinegia,  1560.  F145. 

Beolco,  Angelo.  Anconitana  comedia  del .  .  .  tasco  Ruzante  ...  In  Vineg- 
gia  appresso  Stephano  di  Alesi .  .  .  MDLI.  (.  .  .  Appresso  Bartholomeo 
Cesano )  8°.  A-K^.  fF  2-39. 

In  Vinegia,  appresso  Domenico  de  Farri.  M.  D.  LXI.  (Colophon.) 

8°.  A-E8.  pp.  3-77. 

—  Due  dialoghi  di  Ruzzante  in  lingua  rustica  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1551.  8°.  A-E"*. 
fF  2-20.  I57. 

—  Fiorina  comedia  del . . .  Ruzzante  ...  In  Vinegia,  appresso  Domenico  de 
Farri.  M.  D.  LXI.  8°.  A-Dl  fF.  2-15. 

—  Moschetta  comedia  del .  .  .  Ruzzante  ...  In  Venetia  appresso  Stephano 
di  Alessi .  .  .  MDLI.  (.  .  .  Appresso  Bartholomeo  Cesano.  .  .  .)  8°.  a-g'*. 

In  Vinegia,  appresso  Dominico  de  Farri.  M.  D.  LXI.  (Colophon.)  8°. 

A-Gl  pp.  3-56. 

[180  ] 


—  Piouana  comedia,  ouero  noella  del  tasco  di  Ruzante.  ...  In  Vinegia  ap- 
presso  Gabriel  Giolito  de  Ferrari  MDXLVIII.  {Colophon.)  8°.  A-G^ 
(-G7-8,  presumably  blank).  fF.  4-54. 

—  Vaccaria  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1561.  8°.  A-F^.  pp.  3-102.  I58. 

Bemeri,  Giuseppe.  Le  spose  del  cielo  opera  scenica  morale  di  Giuseppe 
Bemeri  Romano.  ...  In  Ronciglione,  1675.  Si  vendono  In  Roma  in 
Piazza  madama  da  Francesco  Lione  Libraro.  ...  12°.  A-E^^.  pp.  3-120. 
^j  acts;  prose. 

Bisaccioni,  Girolamo.  I  Falsi  Pastori  comedia  del  M.  ill.  et  eccell."^"  Sig. 
leronimo  Bisaccioni.  ...  In  Verona,  Per  Francesco  dalle  Donne.  M 
DCV.  12°.  A-Gi2_  ff_  2-84.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Boccaccio,  Camillo.  Il  Nerone  opera  tragica  di  Camillo  Boccaccio  ...  In 
Fano,  M.DC.LXXV.  Appresso  Teodoro  Paizza.  .  .  .  12°.  >i'^  A-F12 
(-F12,  presumably  blank),  pp.  3-154.  ^3  acts;  prose. 

Bonarelli,  Guidobaldo  de'.  Filli  di  Sciro,  Fauola  Pastorale  .  .  .  [Ferrara, 
1607.]  4°.  a-b'*  A-Z'*  (-Z4,  presumably  blank),  pp.  1-179. 11^4^:  La  notte, 
prologo  del  Marino.  T16. 

Filli  di  Sciro,  Favola  Pastorale  del  Conte  Guidubaldo  De'  Bonarelli. 

...  In  Amsterdam,  nella  Stamperia  del  S.  D.  Elsevier,  Et  in  Parigi  si 
vende  Appresso  Thomaso  Jolly M.  DC.  LXXVIII.  16°.  A-K^  {en- 
graved leaves  inserted  after  A5,  Bi,  Di,  E8,  G6)  L^.  pp.  5-168.  ^Ai: 
engraved  t.p. 

Bonicelli,  Giovanni.  Lugretia  Romana  violata  da  Sesto  Tarquinio  Con  la 
Saggia  Pazzia  di  Bruto,  Liberator  della  Patria.  Opera  tragica  Dell'  .  .  . 
Dottor.  Giouanni  Bonicelli.  In  Venezia  .  .  .  [c.  1690.]  12°.  A-D^^  ^Ai^: 
half-title.  Dii^:  Diuersi  Libri  stampati  dal  Louisa  a  Rialto  .  .  . 

Borghini,  RafFaello.  L'amante  furioso  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1583.  F181. 
T17. 

—  La  donna  costante  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1582.  F183.  I14. 

Bozza,  Francesco.  Fedra,  tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1578.  F185.  I14.  T18. 

Bracciolini,  Francesco.  L' Amoroso  Sdegno  fauola  pastorale  del  Sig.  Fran- 
cesco Bracciolini,  Con  I'aggiunta  di  alcune  Rime  Pastorali  dell'istesso 
Auttore.  ...  In  Milano,  Appresso  Melchion,  &  hcredi  di  Agostino 

Tradate.  M.  DC  XI (.  .  .  Appresso  Bernardino  Lantoni.)  12°.  A-F^^ 

GI6.  pp.  3-176. 

[  181   ] 


—  L'Euandro  tragedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1613.  F190.  I14.  T18. 

—  Hero,  e  Leandro  Fauola  marittima  del  Bracciolino  dell' Api.  Con  inter- 
medii  apparent!.  ...  In  Roma,  Appresso  Gugliclmo  Facciotti.  1630.  .  .  . 
Ad  instanza  d'Ottauio  Ingrillani.  12°.  A-D^^  pp   3-96.  ^4  acts;  verse. 

—  La  Pentesilea  tragedia.  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1614.  F193.  I14.  T18. 

Branchi,  Silvestro.  Stratira  tragedia  Di  Siluestro  Branchi  da  Bologna, 
detto  il  Costante,  neH'Accademia  de'  Rauuiuati.  ...  In  Bologna,  MD- 
CXVII.  Per  Gio.  Domenico  Moscatelli ...  4°.  f^  A-FP.  pp.  1-231.  ^5 
acts;  verse. 

Buonarotti,  Michelangelo,  il  giovane.  Il  giudizio  di  Paride  fauola  .  .  .  Fi- 
renze,  1608.  F208.  T20. 

—  La  Tancia  commedia  rusticale.  ...  In  Firenze  Nella  Stamperia  de'  Lan- 
dini.  MDCXXXVIII 8°.  t^  A-F^  G12.  pp.  1-120. 

Caligula.  Il  Caligola  dramma  per  musica,  Rappresentato  in  Roma  Nel 
nuouo  Teatro  di  Tor  di  Nona  Nel  presente  Anno  1674.  ...  In  Roma, 
Nella  Stamperia  della  Reu.  C  A.  1674.  ...  Si  vendono  in  Piazza  Nauona 
dal  Lupardi.  12°.  tt"*  A-B^^  (38  pp   1-63.  ^j  acts;  verse. 

Calmo,  Andrea.  Le  giocose  moderne  et  facetissime  egloghe  pastorali  .  .  . 
Vinegia,  1553.  F222. 

—  Rhodiana  comedia  .  . .  Composta  per  .  .  .  Ruzzante.  In  Vinegia,  appres- 
so Domenico  de  Farri.  M.  D.  LXI.  8°.  A-G^  H'*.  pp.  3-119. 

—  La  piaceuole,  et  giocosa  comedia  .  .  .  intitolata  il  Saltuzza.  Vinegia, 
1551.  8°.  A-H4.  fF.  2-32.  I16. 

Campeggi,  Ridolfo.  Filarmindo  fauola  pastorale  .  .  .  (Bologna,  1605.) 
F236.  I17. 

Campelli,  Bernardino.  Albesinda  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1623.  4°.  A-N* 
O^.  pp.  1-100.  I17. 

—  Gerusalemme  cattiua.  Tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1623.  F238. 

Cappelletti,  Giovanmaria.  Clesebia  ouero  scorta  alia  religione  Comedia 
Spirituale  .  .  .  Siena,  (1616).  F240. 

Cappello,  Filippo.  Arcinda  Tragedia  Del  Clarissimo  Signor  Filippo  Cap- 
pello. ...  In  Vicenza,  Per  Giacomo  Violati  Libraro  in  Venetia. . . .  1614. 

12°      A-BI2     C18_     pp_     3_g3_    ^^     ^^(y^      i;^rSe. 

[182  ] 


Carretto,  Galeotto,  marchese  del.  Noze  de  Psyche  &  Cupidine  celebrate 
per  lo  .  .  .  Marchese  Galeoto  dal  Carretto  .  .  .  [Milano,  Alessandro  Mi- 
nuziano,  c.  1520.]  8°.  A-F^  G^.  ^3  acts;  verse. 

—  La  Sophonisba  tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1546.  F349.  I18.  T34. 

Castelletti,  Christoforo.  I  torti  amorosi  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1581.  12°. 
A-H^2  (-H12,  presumably  blank),  pp.  1-190.  I19.  T23. 

Castellini,  Giacopo.  Gallinacea  farsa  di  lacopo  Castellini  Fiorentino  ...  In 
Fiorenza  Appresso  L.  Torrentino  MDLXII.  8°.  A-C^.  pp.  4-48.  ^3  acts; 
verse. 

Cavallerini,  Antonio.  II  conte  di  Modona  tragedia  . . .  Modona,  [1582].  4°. 
A-N4.  E  2-51.  T24. 

—  Ino  tragedia  .  .  .  Modona,  [1583].  4°.  A-C*.  ff.  2-55.  T24. 
Cecchi,  Gianmaria.  Comedie  .  .  .  Venetia,  1585.  F258.  I19. 

—  I  dissimili  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1550.  F259.  I19.  T24. 

—  L'esaltazione  della  croce  . . .  Firenze,  1592.  F262.  I20. T  (i?.N.,  xvi,  301). 

—  Gl'incantesimi  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1550.  12°.  A-C^^  D^.  ff.  2-42. 
I20.  T24. 

Centio,  Alessandro.  L'amico  infedele  comedia  del  Sig.  Alessandro  Centio 
academico  Catenato.  ...  In  Macerata,  appresso  Pietro  Saluioni.  M.DC- 
XVII.  12°  A-F12  G^.  pp.  7-156.  ^3  acts;  prose. 

—  Il  padre  afflitto,  commedia  .  .  .  Macerata,  1578.  F272.  T25. 

Cesari,  Cesare  de'.  Cleopatra  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1552.  F341.  I21.  T34. 

—  Romilda  tragedia  .  .  .  (Venetia,  1551.)  F342.  I21. 

—  Scilla.  Tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1552.  F343.  I21.  T34. 

Ciallis,  Rinaldo.  La  fortuna  tra  le  disgratie,  drama  per  musica  Da  Rappre- 
sentarsi  nel  Teatro  di  Sant'Angelo,  I'Anno  1688.  di  D.  Rinaldo  Ciali. . . . 

In  Venetia,  M.DC.LXXXVIII.  Per  Francesco  Nicolini 12°  A-B12 

C^.  pp.  9-59.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Cicognini,  Giacinto  Andrea.  La  caduta  del  gran  capitan  Belissario  Sotto  la 
condanna  di  Giustiniano  Imperatore.  Tragedia  Bellissima.  ...  In  Bo- 
logna, Per  Antonio  Pisarri 1661 12°.  x'*  (-ri,  blank)  A-D^2£i4^ 

pp.  1-123.  1[3  (^cts;  prose. 

—  La  forza  dell'innocenza  ne'  successi  di  Papirio  Opera  Tragica  .  . .  Vene- 
tia, 1663.  F284. 

[183  ] 


—  Il  marito  Delle  due  nioglic  Del  D.  Giacinto  Andrea  Cicognini  ...  In 

Venetia  [Bartolomeo  Lupardi,]  M.DC.LXIII 12°.  A-E^^  (_Eii-i2, 

presumably  blank),  pp.  7-116. 

—  Nella  bugia  si  troua  la  verita  Trattenimento  Scenico  del  Sig.  Dottore 
Giacinto  Andrea  Cicognini.  ...  In  Bracciano,  Nella  Ducale  Stamparia 
di  lacomo  Fei  d'  Andr.  F.  1664.  ...  Si  vendono  in  Piazza  Nauona  in 
Bottegadi  Bartol.  Lupardi . . .  12°.  A-D^^  (-Dii,  presumably  blank),  pp. 
4-94.  ^5  acts;  prose. 

Comparini,  Lorenzo.  Due  comedie  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1554.  F305.  I24.  T30. 

Contarini,  Francesco.  La  fida  ninfa  Fauola  Pastorale  .  .  .  Venetia,  1598.  8°. 
a8  A-K8  L4  (-L4,  presumably  blank).  fF.  1-83.  T30. 

—  Isaccio  Tragedia  di  Francesco  Contarini .  .  .  Venetia,  dal  Ciotti.  1615 
12°.  A-E^2_  pp_  3-120.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Contile,  Luca.  Comedia  .  .  .  chiamata  la  Cesarea  Gonzaga.  .  .  .  (Milano, 
1550.)  F308.  I24.  T30. 

—  La  nice  ...  (In  Milano  Per  Valerio,  &  Girolamo  fratelli  da  Meda.  Adi  6. 
del  mese  de  Luglio,  MDLI.)  4°.  A-H^  P.  ff.  i-xxx.  I24. 

Corradi,  Giulio  Cesare.  L'Amazone  corsara,  Ouero  L'Aluilda  regina  de 
Goti,  drama  Da  rappresentarsi  in  Musica  nel  Famoso  Teatro  Grimano  di 
SS.  Gio.  e  Paolo,  I'Anno  1686.  Di  Giulio  Cesare  Corradi.  ...  In  Vene- 
tia, M.DC.LXXXVI.  Per  Francesco  Nicolini 12°.  A-O^.  pp.  3-72. 

^5  acts;  verse. 

Cortesi,  Cortese.  Giustina  Reina  di  Padoua.  Tragedia  .  .  .  Vicenza,  1607. 
4°  A-Ii"*.  pp.  2-270.  I25.  T31. 

Cosmio,  Filotero.  Clarice  comedia  di  Filotero  Cosmio  ...  In  Venetia,  Ap- 
presso  Domenico  Imberti.  M.  D.  XC.  12°.  A-H^^.  ff.  2-75.  ^3  acts; 
prose. 

Decio,  Antonio.  Acripanda  tragedia  .  .  .  Firenze,  1592.  F344.  I25.  T34. 

Divizio  da  Bibbiena,  Bernardo.  Comedia  di  Bernardo  Diuitio  da  Bibiena 
intitolata  Calandra.  (Stampata  in  Roma  [per  Francesco  Minizio  Calvo] 
nellanno  M.D.XXIIII.)  12°.  A-H^  (-H6,  presumably  blank).  fF.  ii-xlvii. 

Calandra  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1558  (i559)-  F398.  I26. 

Venetia,  1586.  F401.  I26. 

Dolce,  Lodovico.  Le  tragedie  .  .  .  Venetia,  1566.  F372.  I27.  ^Giocasta  only. 

A  separate  copy  o/Ifigenia.  Venetia,  1566.  F372b. 

[184] 


—  Il  capitano  comedia  di  M.  Lodouico  Dolce  ...  In  Vinegia  Appresso 
Gabriel  Giolito  de  Ferrari.  MDXLV.  {Colophon.)  8°.  A-F^  G^o.  ff.  2-57. 
T  {R.Q.,  XXVII,  521). 

Vinegia,  1547.  8°.  A-F^  G^o.  fF.  3-55.  I27. 

—  Didone,  tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1547.  8°.  A-D^  E^o.  fF.  2-42.  I27.  T 
(R.N.,  XIX,  223). 

—  Fabritia.  Comedia  .  .  .  [Venezia,]  1549.  F376. 
Vinegia,  1560.  F370a.  I27. 

—  Giocasta.  Tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1549.  F378.  I27. 

—  La  Hecuba  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1543.  F379.  I27.  T37. 

La  Hecuba  tragedia  di  M.  Lodouico  Dolce,  tratta  da  Euripide. ...  In 

Vinegia  appresso  Gabriel  Giolito  de  Ferrari.  MDXLIX.  (Colophon.)  12°. 
A-D12.  fF.  4-48. 

—  iFigenia.  Tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1551.  12°.  A-D^^  ^6.  ff.  2-51.  I27.  T37. 

—  Marianna,  Tragedia  .  .  .  Venigia,  1565.  F382.  T  {R.Q.,  xxvii,  521). 

—  Il  marito  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1547.  8°.  A-C^  D"*.  fF  5-28.  I27. 

—  La  Medea  tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1558.  F384.  I28.  T37. 

—  Il  ragazzo.  Comedia  di  M.  Lodouico  Dolce.  ...  In  Vineggia  M  D  LIX. 
(.  .  .  Per  Francesco  detto  lo  Imperador.  .  .  .)  8°.  A-G^.  fF.  2-55. 

—  Il  rufFiano  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1587.  F386. 

—  Thyeste  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1543.  8°.  A-D^.  fF  3-32.  I28. 

—  Le  Troiane  tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1567.  F389.  T37. 

Domenichi,  Luigi.  Le  due  cortigiane,  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1563.  8°.  A- 

E8  F4.  pp.  3-88.  T38. 

In  Venetia,  Appresso  Francesco  Franceschini.  1567.  [Colophon.)  8°. 

A-E8  Fl  fF  2-44. 

—  Progne,  tragedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1561.  F391.  I28.  T38. 

Epicure,  Marco  Antonio.  Dialogo  di  tre  ciechi  di  M.  Epicuro  Characciolo 
.  .  .  M.  D.  XXXI.  (Stampato  in  Vinegia  per  Marchio  Sessa  . . .  Adi.  V. 
Decembrio.)  8°.  A-F"*  (-F4,  presumably  blank).  *^Undivided;  verse. 

Cecaria.  Tragicomedia  .  .  .  (Vinegia,)  1535.  F405.  I28. 

Cecaria  tragicomedia  del  Epicuro  Napolitano,  Con  un  bcllissimo 

lamento  del  Geloso  con  la  luminaria.  ...  In  Vinegia  appreso  Gabriel 
Giolito  de  Ferrari  e  Fratelli.  M  D  LIII.  {Colophon).  12°.  A-B12  C^.  fF. 
2-29. 

f  185 1 


Errico,  Scipione.  Le  riuolte  di  Pamaso.  Comedia  di  Scipione  Herrico.  .  .  . 
In  Messina.  Appresso  Gio.  Francesco  Bianco.  1625.  .  .  .  12°.  'h'^  A-E*^ 
F^.  pp.  1-134.  ^5  acts;  prose. 

Fedini,  Giovanni.  Le  due  Persilie  commedia  .  .  .  Firenze,  1583.  F416.  T40. 

Fenarolo,  Lodovico.  Il  Sergio  comedia.  Venetia,  1568.  F417. 

Firenzuola,  Agnolo.  I  lucidi  comedia  .  .  .  Firenze,  1552.  F426.  I30.  T 
{R.Q.,  XXVII,  522). 

—  La  trinutia  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1549.  F427.  I30. 

Florio,  Gismondo.  Epiro  consolato  fauola  pastorale  .  .  .  Modona,  1604. 

F433- 
Fuligni,  Valerio.  Bragadino  tragedia  .  .  .  Pesaro,  1589.  F442.  I31.  T42. 

Gabiani,  Vincenzo.  I  gelosi  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1551.  8°.  A-G^.  ff.  2-54. 

I3i- 
Gabrielli,  Gabriello.  L'Innocente  Fanciulla.  Comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1605. 

12°.  A-F^2  (_Fii-i2,  blank),  pp.  4-140.  Tioi. 

Gaetani,  Filippo,  duca  di  Sermoneta.  Le  tre  comedie  famose  Del  Signor  D. 
Filippo  Caetano  duca  di  Sermoneta.  Cioe  La  schiaua,  L'Ortentio,  Li  due 
vecchi.  In  Napoli,  Per  Ettorre  Cicconio.  MDCXXXXIV.  ...  4°.  a.^ 
A-S^  T2  V-Ss4.  pp.  1-324.  ^Each  3  acts;  prose. 

Gambaro,  Vincenzo.  Comedia  Nouamente  Composta  per  Vicenzo  Gam- 
baro  da  Pesaro.  Intitulata  Mafrino.  (Stampata  in  Pesaro  per  Baldasarre 
de  Fracesco  Cartholaro.  .  .  .  1529.  Adi.  6.  del  mese  di  Decembre.)  8°. 
A-D'*.  ^^Undivided;  verse. 

Gattici,  Francesco.  Le  disgratie  di  Buratino.  Comedia  Ridiculosa,  e  buf- 
fonesca  Del  Signor  Francesco  Gattici.  ...  In  Milano,  Per  Gratiadio 
Ferioli.  1623.  12°.  A-C^^  pp   3-72.  ^5  acts;  prose. 

Gelli,  Giovanni  Battista.  La  sporta  commedia  .  .  .  Firenze,  1593.  F456. 

Ghirardelli,  Giovanni  Battista  Filippo.  Il  Costantino  tragedia  .  .  .  Roma, 
1653. 12°.  A12  §6  A-H12  A-I12  K6.  pp.  1-189,  5-192.  T  {R.N.,  XIX,  223). 

Ghirardi,  Boneto.  La  Leonida  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1585.  F461.  I33. 

Giancarli,  Gigio  Artemio.  La  capraria  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1544.  8".  A^ 
B-H8  16.  T44. 

—  La  zingana  [co]  media  di'  [Gjigio  Arthemio  Giancarli  Rhodigino.  In 
Mantoua  [per  Vcnturino  Ruffinelli],  del  mese  di  Ottobre  nel  XLV. 
(.  .  .  M.  D.  XL VI.)  8°.  A-L8  M^.  fF.  2-92.  ^Label  pasted  on  t.p. 

[186] 


Giraldi  Cinthio,  Giovanni  Battista.  Altile  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1583. 
F466a.  I33.  '^This  and  the  next  8  entries  were  published  together  as  Le  trage- 
die  di  M.  Gio.  Battista  Giraldi  Cinthio  .  .  . 

—  Gli  Antiualomeni  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1583.  F466b.  I33. 

—  Arrenopia  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1583.  F466C.  I34. 

—  Cleopatra  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1583.  F466d.  I34. 

—  Didone  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1583.  F466e.  I33. 

—  Epitia  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1583.  F466f.  I34.  T45. 

—  Euphimia  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1583.  F466g.  I33.  T45. 

—  Orbecche  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1583.  F466h.  I33.  T45. 

—  Selene  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1583.  F466i.  I33.  T45. 

—  Egle  satira  .  .  .  [Firenze,  c.  1550.]  F467.  I34.  T45. 

—  Orbecche  tragedia  .  .  .  (Vinegia,)  1543.  8°.  A-H^.  fF.  2-62.  I34. 

(1547-)  F468.  I34- 

Giusti,  Vincenzo.  Fortunio  Comedia  di  Vicenzo  Giusti.  ...  In  Venetia, 

MDXCVII.  Appresso  Marc' Antonio  BenibeUi.  12°.  A-F12  G^.  fF.  2-78. 

]f5  acts;  prose. 

Gnavio,  Caio.  Amor  fcdele  comedia  ...  In  Venetia,  MDCXV.  Appresso 
Giacomo  Violati.  F478  [variant?  Appresso  Giorgio  Valentino). 

Goana,  Pierfrancesco.  Antigono  tradito.  Tragedia  di  Pier  Francesco  Goano. 
In  Milano,  Nella  Stampa  Archiepiscopale.  M.  DC.  XXI.  12°.  K-W^  I^. 
pp.  7-191.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Grasso,  Niccolo.  Eutichia.  Comedia  .  .  .  (Vinegia,)  1530.  F480. 

Gratarolo,  Bongianni.  Altea  tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1556.  F481.  I35.  T47. 

Grazzini,  Antonfrancesco.  La  gelosia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1582.  F484a.  I35.  \This 
and  the  next  5  entries  were  published  together  as  Comedie  d'Antonfranc. 
Grazini  .  .  . 

—  I  parentadi  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1582.  F  p.  129.  I35.  T48. 

—  La  pinzochera  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1582.  F484b.  I35.  T48. 

—  La  Sibilla  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1582.  F484C.  I36.  T48. 

—  La  spiritata  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1582.  F484.  I36.  T48. 

—  La  Strega  commedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1582.  F484.  I36. 

—  La  gelosia  commedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1568.  F486. 

[187] 


Grisignano,  Decio.  Il  Vafro  comedia  .  .  .  Vcnetia,  1585.  F490.  T50. 

Grossi,  Angelo.  Il  Perideo  tragedia  . .  .  Genoua,  1621.  8°.  j"*  A-G^  H'*.  pp. 
9-126.  T50. 

Groto,  Luigi.  La  Alteria  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1587.  F492.  I36.  T50. 

—  La  Calisto  noua  fauola  pastorale.  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1586.  F494.  I36. 

—  La  Dalida  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1586.  F498.  T50. 

—  La  Emilia  comedia  noua  Di  Luigi  Groto  .  .  .  Recitata  in  Hadria,  il  di 
primo  di  Marzo.  M  D  LXXIX.  ...  In  Venetia,  Appresso  gli  Zoppini. 
1600.  12°.  A-F12  G6.  fF.  7-78. 

—  La  Hadriana  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1586.  F504.  T51. 

—  Il  pentimento  amoroso.  Nuoua  fauola  pastorale  di  Luigi  Groto,  Cieco 
di  Hadria.  ...  In  Venetia  per  Francesco  Rocca  .  .  .  M  D  LXXVI.  8°.  A- 
L8  Ml  E  9-92. 

—  Il  thesoro  comedia  noua.  Di  Luigi  Groto  cieco  d'Hadria. ...  In  Venetia. 
Appresso  Agostin  Zopini,  &  Nepoti.  1599.  {Colophon.)  12°.  A-G^^ 
(-G11-12,  presumably  blank).  fF.  2-81. 

Guarini,  Alfonso.  Sponsalitio  comedia  .  .  .  [c.  1550.]  4°.  A-F'^  G^.  I36. 

Guarini,  Giovanni  Battista.  La  idropica  commedia  . . .  Venetia,  1613.  F511. 
I37-  T51. 

—  Il  pastor  fido  tragicomedia  pastorale  .  .  .  Venetia,  1590.  F512.  I37.  T51. 
Londra,  1591.  F513.  ^Includes  Tasso's  Aminta. 

Venetia,  1602.  F515.  I37.  T52. 

Il  pastor  fido:  or  The  faithfull  Shepheard.  Translated  out  of  Italian 

into  English.  London  Printed  for  Simon  Waterson.  1602.  4°    [A]^ 
B-Q4. 

El  pastor  fido.  Tragicomedia  pastoral,  de  Battista  Guarino.  Tradu- 

9ida  de  Italiano  en  verso  Castellano  por  Christoual  Suarez  ...  En  Napo- 
les,  Por  Tarquinio  Longo  1602.  {Colophon.)  8°.  )(^  A-S^.  pp.  1-286. 

Il  pastor  fido,  tragicomedia  pastorale  .  .  .  Venetia,  1621.  F516.  I37. 

In  Venetia,  Appresso  Pietro  Vsso.  1629  .  .  .  12°.  A-K^^  (-K11-12, 

presumably  blank),  ff.  2-118. 

Il  pastor  fido.  The  faithfull  Shepherd.  .  .  .  Newly  Translated  out  of 

the  Originall.  London,  Printed  by  R.  Raworth,  M  DC  XLVII.  4°.  A^ 
a2  B-Ff'*.  pp.  1-223. 

[188  ] 


Il  pastor  fido.  Le  berger  fidele.  Traduit  de  I'ltalien  de  Guarini  en  vers 

Francois,  Par  M.  D.  T.  Augmente  en  cette  nouvelle  edition  de  la  4. 
Scene  du  3.  Acte  de  la  traduction  de  Madame  la  Comtesse  de  la  Suze.  A 
Paris,  Chez  Claude  Barein  .  .  .  1669.  12°.  tt"*  a^  A-Cc*^  Dd^.  pp.  1-315. 

Il  pastor  fido:  the  Faithful  Shepherd.  With  an  Addition  of  divers 

other  poems  .  .  .  By  ...  Sir  Richard  Fanshawe,  Knight.  .  .  .  London: 
Printed  for  Henry  Herringman  .  .  .  1676.  8°  tt'*  (-tti,  presumably  blank) 
A-V8  Xl  pp.  1-321. 

Pastor  fido:  or,  the  Faithful  Shepherd.  A  pastoral.  As  it  is  Acted  at 

the  Duke's  Theatre.  .  .  .  London,  Printed  for  William  Cademan  .  .  . 
1677.  4°.  A-I'*  K^.  pp.  1-66.  ^An  adaptation  by  Elkanah  Settle  of  Fan- 
shawe's  translation. 

Guarnieri,  Flaminio.  L'intrico  comedia,  Di  M.  Flaminio  Guarnieri  da 
Osimo.  ...  In  Rimini,  Appresso  Gio.  Simbeni.  1581.  .  .  .  8°.  A-F.  fF.  2- 
70.  ^5  acts;  prose. 

Guazzo,  Marco.  Comedia  . . .  intitolata  errori  damore. . . .  (Venetia,  1526.) 
F518.  T52. 

—  Tragedia  .  .  .  intitolata  discordia  d'amore.  .  .  .  (Vineggia,)  1528.  8°.  A- 
II  I37.  T52. 

Guidotti,  Giacomo.  Atlante  fauola  tragicomica,  allegorica  Con  gli  inter- 
medi  apparenti  del  Signor  Giacomo  Guidotti,  Gentiluomo  Lucchese, 
Dottor  di  filosofia,  e  poblico  Vmanista  della  Citta  di  Guastalla.  In  Gua- 
stalla,  M.D.C.XXVI.  Per  Serafino,  &  Lorenzo  Fratelli  Tagliaferri.  .  .  . 

12°.  A-C12  D^.  pp.  3-81.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Infiammato.  Gratiana  fauola  boscareccia  del  Infiamato.  . .  .  Vicenza,  1592. 
8°.  7r2  A-E8  fio.  ff.  1-50.  T6. 

Landi,  Antonio.  Il  commodo  comedia  .  .  .  (Fiorenza,  1539.)  F535.  I39. 
T  {R.Q.,  XXVII,  525). 

Lazarino,  Sebastiano.  Gli  sponsali  per  I'impero  ouero  il  Nerone  imperante 
Opera  Scenica  di  Sebastiano  Lazarino  Oruietano  Accademico  infecondo 
di  Roma.  In  Bologna,  Per  il  Longhi.  .  .  .  [1698.]  12°.  A-D^^  (-Ai,  pre- 
sumably blank)  E^.  pp.  5-108.  ^3  acts;  prose. 

Lenzoni,  Camillo.  La  Clori  tragicommedia  pastorale  di  Cammillo  Len- 
zoni.  ...  In  Firenze,  Appresso  Zanobi  Pignoni.  1626.  ...  4°.  A-R"*.  pp. 
3-135-  Hi  ^c^^;  verse. 

Leoni,  Giovanni  Battista.  Antiloco  tragicomedia  .  .  .  Ferrara,  1594.  F542. 
T55. 

[  189  1 


Liviera,  Giovanni  Battista.  Cresfonte,  tragedia  di  Gio.  Battista  Liuiera  .  .  . 
In  Padoua,  Appresso  Paulo  Meietto.  M.D.LXXXVIII.  8°.  §»  A-F^.  fF.  i- 
48.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Lombardi,  Bernardino.  L'Alchimista  comedia  .  .  .  Vinctia,  1586.  F549. 

Longo,  Lorenzo.  Gli  efFetti  di  aniore  fauola  pastorale  .  .  .  Venetia,  1626. 

F550. 

Loredano,  Giovanni  Francesco.  Bigontio  comedia  . . .  Venetia,  1609.  F551. 
T56. 

Loredano,  Giovanni  Francesco,  il  giovane.  La  forza  d'amore.  Opera  Sce- 
nica  .  .  .  Venetia,  1662.  F556. 

Lorenzani,  Giovanni  Andrea.  L'innocenza  trionfantc,  o'  pure  rendere  bene 
per  male  opera  Di  Gio:  Andrea  Lorenzani  Romano.  .  .  .  E  recitata  nel 
prcsente  anno  1692.  Nel  Palazzo  del  Duca  di  Bracciano  a  Pasquino.  Si 
vendono  in  bottega  di  Francesco  Leoni  Libraro  in  piazza  Madama.  In 
Roma,  per  il  Buagni.  ...  12°.  A-D^^  £i4  pp   3-122.  ^3  acts;  prose. 

Lottini,  Giovanni  Angelo.  Sacra  rappresentazione  di  San  Lorenzo.  .  .  .  Fi- 
renze,  1592.  F559.  I42. 

Lotto  del  Mazza.  I  Fabii  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1567.  F562. 

Machiavelli,  Niccolo.  Tutte  le  opere  .  .  .  M.D.L.  [i.e.,  Geneva,  c.  1645.] 
F569.  I42.  T60.  ^4k4'*-4p3"^:  Mandragola,  comedia  . . .  4P3V-4U3V:  Clitia 
comedia  .  .  . 

Magagnati,  Girolamo.  La  Clomira  fauola  pastorale  .  .  .  (Venetia,  1613.) 
F573.  T60. 

Maleguzzi,  Flaminio.  La  Theodora  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1572.  F578.  I43. 
T61. 

Mamiano,  Giovanni  Battista.  Lucrezia  tragedia  Del  Conte  Gio.  Battista 
Mamiano,  Abate  di  Castel  Durante.  Con  vna  breue  difesa  d' Andrea 
Costantini  Veneziano.  Seconda  impressione.  ...  In  Venetia,  MDCXX- 
VI.  Appresso  Antonio  Pinelli.  12°.  A-E^^  pi 6  pp   3-152.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Mandosi,  Prospero.  L'Adargonte  tragedia  Del  Signor  Prospero  Mandosi 
Nobile  Romano  ...  In  Roma,  Per  Michel'  Ercolc  1676.  ...  Si  vendono 
in  Roma  a  Piazza  Madama  in  Botega  di  Francesco  Leone  Libraro.  12°. 
A-D^2  £6_  pp_  3-108.  ^j  acts;  prose. 

Manfredi,  Muzio.  La  Semiramis  Tragedia  del  Sig.  Mutio  Manfredi  il 
fcrmo.  Academic©  &c.  Da  lui  medesimo  riueduta,  e  corretta.  Ristam- 
pata  in  Pauia,  Per  gli  Heredi  di  Girolamo  Bartoli.  1598.  .  .  .  12°.  A-F^^ 
pp.  3-140. 

[  190  ] 


Manna,  Girolamo  della.  Licandro  Tragicomedia  Pastorale  di  Girolamo 
della  Manna,  Academico  Humorista,  e  Fantastico  di  Roma,  Otioso  di 
Napoli,  c  Riacceso  di  Palermo.  .  .  .  Con  alcune  Annotationi  del  S.  Na- 
polione  Ricci  suo  Secretario.  [Roma,]  il  Mascardi  1634. . . .  [Ad  in]stanza 
di  Pompilio  Totti.  12°.  a^^  (-^n^  presumably  blank)  b^  A-H^^  p  pp  j_ 
196.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Manzini,  Giovanni  Battista.  Flerida  gelosa,  tragedia  . . .  Venetia,  1632.  12°. 
A-E^2  (_Eii_i2,  blank),  pp.  7-115.  I44.  T63. 

Martirano,  Coriolano.  .  .  .  Tragoediae.  VIII.  .  .  .  Comediae  II.  .  .  .  Neap., 
1556.  F593.  T63. 

Marzi,  Giovanni  Battista.  Ottauia  furiosa  commedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1589. 
F596.  I45. 

Massucci,  Niccol6.  Il  velettaio  Commedia  .  .  .  Firenze,  1585.  F597.  I45. 
T64. 

Medici,  Lorenzino  de'.  Aridosio  comedia . . .  Vinegia,  [c.  1550.]  F599.  I45. 

Mercati,  Francesco.  Il  sensale  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1561.  F602.  I45.  T64. 

Micalori,  Biagio.  La  fuga  amorosa  Comedia  di  Biagio  Micalori  Da  Vr- 

bino (In  Ancona,  Appresso  Marco  Saluioni.  1621 )  8°.  Hh^  ►I^*^  A- 

F.  pp.  1-142.  ^5  acts;  prose. 

Michele,  Agostino.  Cianippo  tragedia  .  .  .  Bergamo,  1596.  F607. 

Moderati,  Francesco.  Giardinier[a]  comedia  . . .  Venetia,  1615. 12°.  A-E^'^. 
fF.  2-12,  pp.  13-108.  I46. 

Mondella,  Francesco.  Isifile  tragedia  .  .  .  Verona,  1582.  4°.  A-E^  F'*.  pp.  8- 
83.  I46.  T66. 

Moniglia,  Giovanni  Andrea.  All'amico  non  si  fida  Ne  la  donna,  Ne  La 
spada.  Opera  del  Sig.  Dottor  Moniglia  ...  In  Roma,  Per  II  Dragondelli. 
1668.  ...  Si  vendono  in  Nauona  in  bottega  di  Bartolomeo  Lupardi.  .  .  . 
12°.  A-D^2  pp   5-89.  ^j  acts;  prose. 

Mori,  Lodovico.  La  Cinthia  Ouuero  gli  amanti  cangiati.  Comedia  . .  .  Ve- 
netia, 1612.  12°.  A-F12  ff  2-72.  T66. 

Morselli,  Adriano.  La  pace  fra  Tolomeo,  e  Seleuco.  Drama  per  Musica  Da 
Rappresentarsi  nel  Famoso  Teatro  Grimano  di  S.  Gio:  Grisostomo 

I'anno  1691  . . .  Venetia,  M  DC  XCI.  Per  il  Nicolini 12°.  A-B^^  C^. 

pp.  11-64.  Hi  (icts;  verse. 

Nardi,  Jacopo.  Comedia  di  amicitia.  [Firenze,  Gian  Stefano  di  Carlo  di 
Pavia,  c.  1510.]  4°.  a-b^  c^.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

[  191   ] 


Negro,  Marino.  La  pace  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1561.  F627.  I47. 

Noris,  Matteo.  Totila  drama  per  musica  Nel  Faniosissimo  Tcatro  Gri- 

mano  di  SS.  Gio:  e  Paolo.  L'anno  M.DC.LXXVII.  di  Matteo  Noris 

In  Venetia,  M.DC.LXXVII.  Per  Francesco  Nicolini. ...  12°.  A-B12  C^^ 
(-C16).  pp.  3-78  present.  ^3  acts;  verse. 

Nottumo  Napolitano.  Comedia  noua  de  Nottumo  Napolitano  intitolata 
gaudio  d'amore.  .  .  .  (Stampata  in  Vinegia  ad  instantia  di  Christoforo 
ditto  Stampone.  Nel  M.D.XXVI.  A  di  yii.  Genaro.)  8°.  A-Kl  ff.  iii- 
XXXVIII.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Oddi,  Sforza  degli.  L'erofilomachia,  ouero  il  duello  d'amore,  &  d'amici- 
tia.  Comedia  nuoua.  Dell'Eccellentiss.  Dottor  di  Leggi  M.  Sforza  d'Od- 
do  .  .  .  In  Venetia,  M.DCV.  Appresso  i  Sessa.  12°.  A-H^^  16  (_I6,  pre- 
sumably blank).  fF.  2-101. 

—  I  morti  viui  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1582.  F640.  I48.  T69. 

—  Prigione  d'Amore  commedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1592.  F642.  I48. 

Oldradi,  Angelo  delli.  Il  poeta  comedia  nuoua  de  Angelo  delli  Oldradi 
Romano.  In  Venetia  (.  .  .  per  Comin  da  Trino  di  Monferrato  M.  D. 
XLIX.)  8°.  A-D8  (-D8,  blank).  fF.  2-31.  ^5  acts;  prose. 

Ondedei,  Giovanni.  Asmondo  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1634.  12°.  A-E^^  pp 
1-104.  I39  {variant?  dated  1633).  T69. 

Ongaro,  Antonio.  Alceo  fauola  pescatoria  .  .  .  Venetia,  1582.  F644.  I48. 

Ottonajo,  Giovanni  Battista.  La  ingratitudine,  comedia  . . .  Fiorenza,  1559. 
F647.  I49.  T70. 

Paccaroni,  Nicola.  Romilda  tragedia  Del  Signor  Nicola  Paccaroni  da 
Fermo.  ...  In  Venetia.  M  DC  XXVI.  Appresso  Giorgio  Valentini.  .  .  . 
4°  a^  (-a4,  possibly  blank)  A"*  B-K^  L^^  (-L10,  presumably  blank).  fF.  1-81 . 
^5  acts;  verse. 

Panciatichi,  Vincenzo.  Il  re  Artcmidoro  tragedia  . . .  [Firenze,  1604].  F653. 
I49. 

Parabosco.  Girolamo.  Comedie  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1560.  F655.  I49. 

Another  copy  of  I  contenti  only. 

—  La  fantesca  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1557.  F657  [variant?  dated  1^56).  T71 
[variant?  dated  1336). 

—  Il  ladro  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1555.  F658. 

—  La  Progne  tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1548.  F662.  I50.  T71. 

[  192  ] 


—  Il  Viluppo  comedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1567.  F663. 

Pasqualigo,  Luigi.  Il  fedele  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1576.  F668.  I50. 

—  Glmtricati  Pastorale  .  .  .  Venetia,  1581.  F671.  I50.  T72. 

Pelliciari,  Ercole.  I  figliuoli  di  Aminta,  e  Siluia.  Et  di  Mirtillo  et  Amarilli. 
Tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  [1617].  F673. 

Pescetti,  Orlando.  La  regia  pastorella,  Fauola  Boschereccia  d'Orlando 
Pescetti  ...  In  Vinegia,  Appresso  Girolamo  Polo.  MDXCVII.  12°.  A- 
E^2,  f£  2-59.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Piccolomini,  Alessandro.  Comedia  intitolata  Alessandro  .  .  .  [Venezia,  c. 
1540.]  8°.  F684. 

—  L'amor  costante.  Comedia  .  .  .  Vineggia,  1550.  8°.  A-K^.  fF.  4-78.  I51. 

Pino  da  Cagli,  Bernardino.  Gli  afFetti  ragionamenti  famigliari,  Di  M. 
Bernardino  Pino  da  Cagli ...  In  Vinegia,  Appresso  lacomo  Simbeni,  ad 
instanza  di  Marco  Amadoro.  1569.  8°.  A-F  (-18,  blank).  fF.  2-71.  ^5 
parti;  prose. 

—  L'Euagria.  Ragionamenti  Famigliari  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1584.  F694. 

—  Gli  ingiusti  sdegni,  comedia  di  M.  Bernardino  Pino  da  Cagli.  ...  In 
Venetia,  Appresso  Giuseppe  Guglielmo.  MDLXXVI.  12°.  A-E12.  ff 
2-59. 

—  Lo  Sbratta  comedia.  Venetia,  1603.  8°.  A-G^  H'*.  fF  2-59.  I52.  T75. 

Plautus,  Titus  Maccus.  Comedia  di  Plauto  intitolata  L'Amphitriona,  tra- 
dotta  dal  latino  al  uolgare,  per  PandolFo  Colonnutio,  ...  &  nuoua- 
mente  stampata.  MDXXX  (Stampata  in  Vinegia  per  Nicolo  d'Aristo- 
tile  detto  Zoppino.  .  .  .)  8°.  A-H^.  fF.  2-64. 

—  Comedia  Ridiculosa  di  Plauto  intitolata  Asinaria  tradotta  de  latino  in 
uolgare  in  terza  rima  .  .  .  M  D  XXX.  (Stampata  in  Vinegia  per  Nicolo 
d'Aristotile  detto  Zoppino.  .  .  .)  8°.  A-F^.  fF  2-47. 

—  Menechini.  Comedia  di  Plauto  intitolata  Menechini,  dal  latino  in  lin- 
gua uolgar  tradotta,  ...  &  nuouamente  ristampata.  MDXXX  (Stam- 
pata in  Vinegia  per  Nicolo  di  Aristotile  detto  Zoppino.  .  .  .)  8°.  A-E^. 
fF.  2-39. 

—  Il  Penolo.  Comedia  antica  di  Plauto  .  .  .  tradotta  .  .  .  M.D.XXVI. 
(Stampato  nella  .  .  .  citta  di  Vinegia  .  .  .  per  Francesco  di  Alessandro 
Bindoni,  &  Mapheo  Pasini,  compagni.  .  .  .  Del  mese  di  Zugno.)  8°. 
A-Fl 

[  193   ] 


Poggi,  Beltramo.  La  Cangenia  tragicomedia  .  . .  Fiorenza,  1561.  F707.  I53. 
T75. 

Polijila.  Polifila,  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1556.  F18.  I3.  T4. 

Raincrio,  Antonio  Francesco.  L'Altilia  comedia  .  .  .  (Mantoua,)  1550.  8°. 
A-Nl  fF.  2-52.  T76. 

Razzi,  Girolamo.  La  balia  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1560.  8°.  A-G^.  fF.  3-55. 
T76. 

Ricchi,  Agostino.  Comedia  .  .  .  intittolata  i  tre  tiraimi .  . .  (Vinegia,)  1533. 
F726.  I55.  T78. 

Riccho,  Antonio.  Opera  de  Antonio  Riccho  Neapolitao  Intitulata  Fior  de 
Delia  .  .  .  (Impressum  Venetiis  per  Maestro  Manfredo  Bono  da  Monte- 
ferrato  da  Sustrcno  del  .M.D.VIL  Adi  XV  del  mese  de  Marzo.)  8°.  A- 
P"*.  ^Ni^-02'":  Farsa.  Interlocutori/Pallas/Iunone  Phocbo  Oraculo/ 
Venere/Cupido/Lo  amante  Et  la  donna.  02'"-P3^:  Farzalnterlocutori: 
Mercurio:  Lo  amante:  la  Virtu  sedente  in  Tribunale:  Cupido  pregion 
de  Virtu:  il  Notario:  Et  li  pregion  de  Amore  liberati.  P3^:  Acta  &  Reci- 
tata  fo  [sic]  la  prcxsente  farza  in  Vinetia  ad  di  xii  de  Febraro.  M.D.VIL 
in  la  Casa  del  Magnifico  misser  Marino  Malippiero:  per  lanobile  Com- 
pagnia  de  Fausti:  Verse. 

(Impressum  Venetiis  per  Georgio  de  Rusconi .  .  .  M.D.XIIII.  Adi 

.XII.  Luglio.)  8°.  A-Pl 

Roderico.  Il  Roderico  dramma  per  musica  Da  rappresentarsi  nel  Teatro 
della  Pace  di  Roma.  L'anno  M.DC.XCIV.  ...  Si  vendono  in  Piazza 
Madama  da  da  [sic]  Francesco  Leone  Libraro.  In  Roma,  Per  il  Buagni. 
1694.  •  •  •  12°.  A-B12  C8  pp  9-64.  ^j  acts;  verse. 

Rondinelli,  Dionisio.  Galitia  fauola  pastorale  Di  Dionigi  Rondinelli.  In 
Verona,  Per  Girolamo  Strengari,  e  fratelli.  M  D  LXXXIII.  8°.  A-E^. 
^5  acts;  verse. 

Rossi,  Antonio  Maria.  Le  sacre  nozze  Del  Glorioso  Padre  San  Mauro 
Trattenimento  Spirituale.  Composto  da  Antonio  Maria  Rossi  da  Osimo. 
...  In  Padoa,  nella  Stampa  Gamer.  .  .  .  1624.  12°.  A-C^^  j)6  pp  ^-Si. 
^5  acts;  prose. 

Rossi,  Paolo.  Il  commissario  comedia  .  .  .  Fermo,  1596.  F743. 

Rucellai,  Giovanni.  Rosmunda  tragedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1568.  8°.  A-C^.  pp. 
4-47.  I57- 

(  194  ] 


Sacchetti,  Cesare.  Rappresentatione  di  Santo  Christoforo  martire,  ridotta  a 
vso  di  comedia,  coniposta  da  Cesare  Sacchetti  Bolognese.  ...  In  Fio- 
renza  MDLXXV.  4°.  A-D^  E^.  pp.  4-36.  ^5  acts;  prose. 

Salvadori,  Andrea.  Guerra  d'amore  festa  .  .  .  Firenze,  1615.  F751. 

Salviati,  Lionardo.  Due  commedie  .  .  .  Firenze,  1606.  F756.  I58. 

Sbarra,  Francesco.  Opere  di  Francesco  Sbarra.  Cioe  La  Tirannide  Dell'In- 
teresse.  La  Corte.  La  Moda.  La  Verita  Raminga,  e  L'Amor  Delia  Patria. 
12°.  A-H^2  A-E^2  A-D12  pp  5-192,  3-120,  3-93.  *^AMtional  t.pp.: 
(A2^)  La  tirannide  dell'interesse  Tragedia  Politicamorale  ...  [5  acts; 
verse]  Venetia,  M.DC.LXXXIL  Appresso  Nicolo  Pezzana.  .  .  .  (Hi^)  La 
corte  drama  morale  .  .  .  [4  intermezzi]  (-Ai^)  La  moda  Fauola  Morale 
[5  acts;  verse],  et  la  verita  raminga  Col  Disinganno  Drammi  Musicali . .  . 
[2  parts  divided  into  scenes]  Same  imprint.  (~D9^)  La  verita  raminga. 
Dramma  Musicale  .  .  .  (^Ai^)  L'amor  della  patria  Superiore  ad  ogn'al- 
tro.  Dramma  musicale  .  .  .  [j  acts;  verse]  Same  imprint. 

— Jl  pomo  d'oro  Festa  Teatrale  Rappresentata  in  Vienna  per  I'augustissime 
nozze  .  .  .  di  Leopoldo,  e  Margherita,  Componimento  di  Francesco 
Sbarra  ...  In  Vienna  d' Austria,  Appresso  Matteo  Cosmerovio  .  .  .  1668. 
8°.  a^  B^  A-K^  (-K8,  presumably  blank),  pp.  1-158.  ^5  acts;  verse. 

Secchi,  Niccolo.  Gl'inganni  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1562.  F776.  I59. 

Gl'inganni  comedia  del  Signor  N.  S.  Recitata  in  Milano  I'Anno 

1547. ...  In  Venetia,  Appresso  Bernardo  Giunti,  e  Fratelli.  M  D  LXXX- 
II.  8°.  A-G8.  fF.  2-56. 

Gl'inganni  comedia,  del  Signor  N.  S.  Recitata  in  Milano  I'Anno 

1547.  ...  In  Venetia,  M.  DC.  XXVII.  Appresso  Ghirardo  Imberti.  .  .  . 
12°.  A-E12  F6.  fF.  2-65. 

Seneca,  Lucius  Annaeus.  Le  tragedie  .  .  .  tradotte  da  M.  Lodouico  Dolce. 
.  .  .  Venetia,  (1560).  F373. 

Siena,  Accademia  degli  Intronati.  Delle  commedie  Degl'Accademici  In- 
tronati  di  Siena.  ...  La  Prima  Parte.  Siena,  1611.  Fi.  '^The  second  part 
is  wanting. 

—  Il  sacrificio  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1569.  F40.  T6. 

Vinegia,  1585.  F41. 

Sine  nomine.  Comedia  intitolata  sine  nomine  . . .  Fiorenza,  1574.  F9.  Ii.  T5. 

Sinibaldi,  Giovanni.  Altea  comedia  nuoua  di  M.  Giouanni  Sinibaldi  da 
Morro.  ...  In  Venetia,  MDCVI.  Appresso  i  Sessa.  12°.  f^  A-V^  K^.  fF. 
2-119.  ^5  (i<^isi  prose. 

[  195   ] 


Sophocles.  Edipo  tiranno  di  Sofocle  tragedia.  In  lingua  volgare  ridotta  dal 
.  .  .  Signer  Orsatto  Giustiniano  ...  In  Venetia,  Appresso  Francesco  Zi- 
letti.  1585.  4°.  *4  **2  a_k4  16.  ff.  2-46. 

—  Edipo  tiranno  tragedia  di  Sofocle.  Ridotta  dalla  Greca  nella  Toscana 
lingua  da  M.  Pictro  Angelij  Bargeo.  In  Firenze,  Appresso  Bartolomeo 
Sermartelli.  M  D  LXXXVIIII.  8°.  A-D^  E\  pp.  3-72. 

—  Elettra  tragedia  di  Sofocle,  Fatta  volgare  dall'  .  .  .  Signor  Erasmo  delli 
signori  di  Valuasone  .  .  .  Venetia,  1588.  F866. 

Speroni  degli  Alvarotti,  Sperone.  Canace  tragedia  .  .  .  (Fiorenza,)  1546. 
F798.  I61. 

Venetia,  1566.  F801.  I61.  T86. 

Venetia,  1597.  F802.  I61. 

Spinello,  Alessandro.  Cleopatra  tragedia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1550.  F804.  I61. 
T86. 

Tacchello,  Bartolomeo.  Accordi  d'amore,  e  di  fortuna,  comedia  Dell'Ec- 
cellen.  Sig.  Bortolomeo  Tacchello  d'Archo.  ...  In  Venetia,  MDCXIV. 
Appresso  Giouanni  Alberti.  {Colophon.)  12°.  A-F^^  pp  7-138.  ^5  acts; 
prose. 

Tani,  Niccolo.  La  cognata  comedia  .  .  .  Padoa,  1583.  F815.  I62.  T87. 

Tansillo,  Luigi.  Il  fmto  comedia  leggiadra  .  .  .  Vicenza,  1610.  F818. 

Tasso,  Torquato.  Aminta  fauola  boscareccia  di  M.  Torquato  Tasso.  ...  In 
Vinegia  [presso  Aldo].  M.D.LXXXI.  8°.  (^  A-D^  El  pp.  2-70. 

Ferrara,  1589.  12°.  A-C^^  pp  2-72.  I63.  ^/m  Rime,  et  prose  . . .  Parte 

prima. 
In  Tours,  Appresso  lametto  Maitaier.  M.D.XCI.  12°.  A-H^-^  p, 

ff.  2-50. 

In  Ferrara,  MDXCIX.  Per  Vittorio  Baldini  .  .  .  {Colophon.)  12°.  A- 

C12  D6.  pp.  3-82. 

Aminta  fauola  Boscareccia,  del  Signor  Torquato  Tasso.  Di  nuouo 

corretta,  &  di  vaghe  figure  adornata.  In  Venetia,  MDCIII.  Appresso 
Marc' Ant.  Zaltieri.  12°.  A-C^^  pp   ^_j2. 

Aminta  de  Torcuato  Taso.  Traduzido  de  Italiano  en  Castellano,  por 

don  luan  de  lauregui ...  En  Roma,  Por  Estevan  Paulino,  MDCVII. .  . . 
8°.  a^  A-E8  F4  (-F4,  presumably  blank),  pp.  1-86. 

[  196  ] 


L'Aminte  du  Tasse.  Pastorale.  Fidellement  traduitte  de  I'ltalien  en 

vers  Francois,  &  enrichie  de  Figures.  A  Paris,  Chez  Pierre  Rocolet  .  .  . 
M.  DC.  XXXII. ...  8°.  a4  e^i^  A-V^  {-V 4,  presumably  blank),  pp.  2-158. 

Aminta  fauola  boscareccia  .  .  .  Parigi,  1655.  F822. 

In  Parigi,  Appresso  Claudio  Cramoisy  .  .  .  M.DC.LVI.  4°.  a^  A-K^. 

pp.  1-78. 
In  Leida,  Presso  Giovanni  Elsevier,  cb  be  lvi.  12°.  A-D^^  £6  pp 

1-84. 

Aminta:  The  famous  pastoral.  Written  in  Italian  by  Signor'  Tor- 

quato  Tasso.  And  Translated  into  English  Verse  by  John  Dancer.  To- 
gether with  divers  Ingenious  poems.  London,  Printed  for  John  Starkey 
.  .  .  1660.  8°.  A-L^  (-Ai,  L8,  both  presumably  blank),  pp.  1-134. 

Aminta,  favola  boscareccia  ...  In  Amsterdam,  nella  Stamperia  del 

S.  D.  Elsevier,  Et  in  Parigi  si  vende  Appresso  Thomaso  Jolly  . . .  M.  DC. 
LXXVIII.  16°.  A-E8  {engraved  leaves  inserted  after  A2,  A5,  B8,  C8,  D6, 
E5)  F"*.  pp.  5-85.  ^Ai:  engraved  frontispiece. 

L'Aminte  du  Tasse.  Pastorale.  Traduite  de  I'ltalien  en  Vers  Francois. 

...  A  La  Haye,  Chez  Levyn  van  Dyk,  M.  DC.  LXXXI.  12°.  a^  A-G12 
{engraved  leaves  inserted  after  Ai,  A5,  C5,  E3,  F5,  G9)  H^  I^.  pp.  1-185. 
^ai^:  engraved  t.p.;  a2^:  t.p.  above.  Italian  &  French.  Translator:  Abbe  de 
Torche. 

L'Aminta  di  Torquato  Tasso  Difeso,  e  Illustrato  da  Giusto  Fontanini. 

...  In  Roma,  MDCC.  Nella  Stamperia  del  Zenobj,  e  del  Placho.  ...  8° 
a-f^  A-Aa^  Bb'*  Cc^  Dd^o.  pp.  iij-xcv,  1-391. 

—  Intrichi  d'amore  comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1630.  F824. 

—  Il  re  Torrismondo  tragedia  ,  .  .  Bergamo,  1587.  F825.  I63. 

Verona,  1587.  F826.  I63. 

Ferrara,  1587  (1588).  12°.  A-E^^^  f£  ±-^4.  <[[Itt  Rime,  et  prose  .  .  . 

parte  seconda  .  .  . 
In  Vinegia,  M  D  LXXXVII.  Per  Girolamo  Polo.  8°.  A-H^.  ff.  2-63. 

Terentius  Afer,  Publius.  Comedie  Di  Terentio  nuouamente  di  latino  in 
volgare  tradotte.  .  .  .  M.  D.  XXXIII.  (Stampate  in  Venetia  per  .  .  .  Ber- 
nardino Vidale,  ad  instantia  di  M.  lacob  da  Borgofrancho,  del  mese  di 
Luglio )  8°.  a-x8  y^.  ff.  2-171. 

(Venetia,)  1538.  F828. 

[  197  ] 


Lc  comedic  di  Terentio  uolgari ...  In  Vinegia,  M.  D.  XLVI.  (.  .  .  In 

casa  de'  figliuoli  di  Aldo.)  8°.  A-X^.  ff.  2-168. 

—  Eunuco.  Comedia  di  Terentio  Intitulata  I'Eunuco,  dal  Latino  al  Vol- 
gare  tradotta, ...  &  nuouamente  stampata  del  MDXXXII.  (Stampata  in 
Vinegia  per  Nicolo  d'Aristotile  detto  Zoppino  del  mese  di  Luio.  .  .  .) 
8°.  A-D8  El  fF.  2-36. 

Testi,  Fulvio.  Poesie  liriche  del  Caualiere  Don  Fuluio  Testi.  In  Modona  . . . 
(.  .  .  1636.  .  .  .  [device  ofPampilio  Totti  of  Rome.]  4**.  ir^  A-Nn'*  Oo^.  pp. 
1-291.  ^Dd2^-Lli"^:  L'isola  d'Alcina  tragedia.  5  acts;  verse. 

Torelli,  Pomponio.  La  Galatea  .  .  .  Parma,  1603.  F835.  I64.  T90. 

—  La  Merope  tragedia  .  .  .  Parma,  1589.  F836.  I64.  T  {R.N.,  xvi,  306). 
Parma,  1605.  4°.  ^"^  A-F^  C*.  pp.  1-104.  T90. 

—  Il  Polidoro,  tragedia  .  .  .  Parma,  1605.  F838.  T90. 

—  Il  Tancredi  tragedia  .  .  .  Parma,  1605.  4°.  ►I^''  A-G^.  pp.  1-112.  I64. 

—  La  vittoria  tragedia  .  .  .  Parma,  1605.  F840.  T90. 

Tregiani,  Domenico,  Il  ladro  Cacco  fauola  pastorale  . . .  Venetia,  1583.  8°. 
A-F8.  I26.  T92. 

Trinci,  Francesco  Mariano.  Commedia  del  matrimonio  Composta  per  il 
peregrino  Ingenio  di  Mariano  Maniscalcho  da  Siena.  (Stampata  in  Siena 
Per  Michelagniolo  di  Bernardino:  Ad  instantia  di  Giouanni  di  Alixandro 
Libraio  A  di  .XXVII.  di  Octobre.  .M.D.XXXIII.)  8°.  A-B^  C\  *^Un- 
divided;  verse. 

—  Comedia  di  amore  c5tro  auaritia  &  pudicitia:  composta  per  Mariano 
Trinci  Sanese. . . .  (Impresso  in  Siena  ad  instantia  di  Giouanni  di  Alexan- 
dro  Libraro.  a  di  .9.  di  Marzo  .1514.)  8°.  a-c"*  d^.  \Divided  into  3  acts  by 
Finis;  verse. 

—  Pieta  d' Amore:  Comedia  .  ,  .  Siena  [c.  1550].  8°.  A-C^.  I44. 

Trissino,  Giovanni  Giorgio.  [La  Sophonisba  tragedia  di  Giouan  Giorgio 
Trissino.]  (Stampata  in  Roma  per  Lodovico  Vicentino  Scrittore,  e  Lau- 
titio  Perugino  Intagliatore,  nel  MDXXIIII  del  mese  di  Luglio.)  4°.  a-n'' 
(-ai,  a4). 

(Vicenza,  1529.)  F854.  I65.  T94. 

Vinegia,  1560.  F855.  16$.  T  {R.Q.,  xxvii,  532). 

In  Venetia,  Presso  Domenico  Caualcalupo.  M  D  LXXXVII.  8°.  A- 

E^.  ff.  2-39. 

[  198  1 


Turamini,  Alessandro.  Sileno  fauola  boscareccia  .  .  .  Napoli,  1595.  F859. 
T94. 

Turco,  Carlo.  Agnella  comedia  .  .  .  Vinetia,  1585.  F861.  T95. 

—  Calestri  tragedia  .  .  .  Treuigi,  1603.  8°.  A-F^  C*.  fF.  1-44.  T95. 

v.,  Q.  M.  Gli  incostanti  afFetti  comedia  di  Q.  M.  V.  In  Pisa, . . .  1629.  12°. 
tt'*  A-G^2  (_-Q^_rj'j  h;4.  pp.  3-7,  1-175.  ^5  acts;  prose. 

Valentini,  Francesco.  Gli  errori  amorosi  comedia.  Del  Ecc.  Sig.  Francesco 
Valentini.  Nell'Accademia  degli  Eccentrici,  detto  il  Forte.  ...  In  Vene- 
tia  Appresso  Gio:  Batt:  Ciotti  1613. 12°.  A-F^^.  pp.  9-140.  jfj  acts;  prose. 

Veniero,  MafFio.  Hidalba  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1596.  F869.  166.  T95. 

Verlato,  Leonoro.  Rodopeia  tragedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1582.  F872.  I67.  T96. 

Vida,  Girolamo.  Filliria  fauola  boscareccia  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1587.  F874. 

Vignali,  Antonio.  La  Floria  comedia  .  .  .  Fiorenza,  1567.  8**.  A-E^  (-E8, 
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Visconti,  Giambattista.  Arminia  egloga  di  Giambattista  Visconte  .  .  .  Rap- 
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Milano,  per  Pandolfo  Malatesta.  Ad  instanza  di  Pietro  Martire  Locarni. 
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Viviani,  Viviano.  L'Ortigia  tragicomedia  boscareccia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1607. 
F883  [variant?  dated  1606).  I67. 

Zamberti,  Bartolommeo.  .  .  .  Comedia  Dolotechne.  (Venetiis,  [1504].) 
F884. 

Zara,  Ottaviano.  Hippolito  tragedia  .  .  .  Padoa,  1558.  8°.  A-C.  fF.  2-28. 
T98. 

Zinano,  Gabriele.  L'Almerigo  tragedia  .  .  .  Reggio,  (1590).  F886.  168. 
Tioo. 

Zoppio,  Melchiore.  Il  Diogene  accusato,  Comedia  .  .  .  Venetia,  1598. 
F889.  Tioo. 

Zuccolo,  Agostino.  Contesa  d'amore.  Fauola  Pastorale  .  .  .  Vinegia,  1601. 
F890. 


[  199  ] 


ALPHABETICAL  LIST  OF  TITLES 


Accordi  d'aniore  e  di  fortuna  : 

Tacchello 
Acripanda  :  Decio 
L'Adargonte  :  Mandosi 
Gli  afFetti  ragionamenti  :  Pino 
Agnella  :  Turco 
Albesinda  :  Campelli 
Alceo  :  Ongaro 
L'alchimista  :  Lombardi 
Alessandro  :  Piccoloniini 
Airamico  non  si  fida  :  Moniglia 
L'Almerigo  :  Zinano 
Altea  :  Gratarolo 
Altea  :  Sinibaldi 
La  Alteria  :  Groto 
Altile  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 
L'Altilia  :  Rainerio 
L'amante  furioso  :  Borghini 
L'Amazone  corsara  :  Corradi 
L'amico  infedele  :  Centio 
Aminta  :  Tasso 
L'amor  costante  :  Piccolomini 
L'amor  della  patria  :  Sbarra 
Amor  fedele  :  Gnavio 
L'amoroso  sdegno  :  Bracciolini 
Amphitriona  :  Plautus 
Anconitana  :  Beolco 
Antigone  :  Alamanni 
Antigono  :  Goana 
Antiloco  :  Leoni 

Gli  Antivalomeni  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 
Arcinda  :  Cappcllo 
Aridosio  :  Medici 
Arminia  :  Visconti 
Arrenopia  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 
Asinaria  :  Plautus 
Asmondo  :  Ondedci 
Atlante  :  Guidotti 
Bacchae  :  Martirano 


La  balia  :  Razzi 

II  Bartolomeo  :  Avcrsa 

El  Beco  :  Belo 

I  Bernardi  :  Ambra 
Bigontio  :  Loredano 

La  caduta  del  Belissario  : 

Cicognini 
Calandra  :  Divizio 
Calestri  :  Turco 
La  Calisto  :  Groto 
Canace  :  Speroni 
La  Cangenia  :  Poggi 
Le  capitan  :  Andreini 

II  capitano  :  Dolce 
La  capraria  :  Giancarli 
La  cassaria  :  Ariosto 
Cecaria  :  Epicuro 

La  Cesarea  Gonzaga  :  Contile 

Christus  :  Martirano 

Cianippo  :  Michele 

La  Cinthia  :  Mori 

Clarice  :  Cosniio 

Cleopatra  :  Cesari 

Cleopatra  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 

Cleopatra  :  Spinello 

Clesebia  :  Cappelletti 

La  Clitia  :  Machiavelli 

La  Clomira  :  Magagnati 

La  Clori  :  Lenzoni 

La  cognata  :  Tani 

Comcdia  di  amicitia  :  Nardi 

Comedia  di  amore  contro  avaritia 

e  pudicitia  :  Trinci 
Commedia  del  matrimonio  : 

Trinci 
II  conimissario  :  Paolo  Rossi 
II  coniniodo  :  Landi 
II  Conte  di  Modona  :  Cavallerini 
I  contenti  :  Parabosco 


[   200   ] 


Contesa  d'amore  :  Zuccolo 

La  corte  :  Sbarra 

La  cortegiana  :  Aretino 

U  Costantino  :  Ghirardelli 

Cresfonte  :  Liviera 

Cyclops  :  Martirano 

La  Dalida  :  Groto 

Dialogo  di  tre  ciechi  :  Epicure 

Didone  :  Dolce 

Didone  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 

II  Diogene  accusato  :  Zoppio 

Discordia  d'amore  :  Guazzo 

Le  disgratie  di  Buratino  :  Gattici 

I  dissimili  :  Cecchi 

Dolotechne  :  Zamberti 

La  donna  costante  :  Borghini 

Le  due  cortigiane  :  Domenichi 

Due  dialoghi  :  Beolco 

Le  due  Persilie  :  Fedini 

Li  due  vecchi  :  Gaetani 

Edipo  tiranno  :  Sophocles 

Edippo  :  Anguillara 

Gli  efFetti  di  amore  :  Longo 

Egle  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 

Egloghe  pastorali  :  Calmo 

Electra  :  Martirano 

Elettra  :  Sophocles 

La  Emilia  :  Groto 

Epiro  consolato  :  Florio 

Epitia  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 

L'erofilomachia  :  Oddi 

Gli  errori  amorosi  :  Valentini 

Errori  damore  :  Guazzo 

Esaltazione  della  croce  :  Cecchi 

Eunuco  :  Terentius 

Euphimia  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 

Eutichia  :  Grasso 

Evagria  :  Pino 

L'Evandro  :  Bracciolini 

I  Fabii  :  Lotto  del  Mazza 

Fabritia  :  Dolce 


I  falsi  pastori  :  Bisaccioni 

I  fantasmi  :  Bentivoglio 
La  fantesca  :  Parabosco 
Farsa  :  Riccho 

II  fedele  :  Pasqualigo 
Fedra  :  Bozza 

La  fida  ninfa  :  Contarini 

I  figliuoli  di  Aminta  :  Pelliciari 
Filarmindo  :  Campeggi 

Filli  di  Sciro  :  Bonarelli 
Filliria  :  Vida 

II  fmto  :  Tansillo 
Fiorina  :  Beolco 
Flerida  gelosa  :  Manzini 
La  Floria  :  Vignali 

La  fortuna  tra  le  disgratie  :  Ciallis 

Fortunio  :  Giusti 

La  forza  d'amore  :  Loredano  il 

giovane 
La  forza  deH'innocenza  : 

Cicognini 
La  fuga  amorosa  :  Micalori 
Il  furto  :  Ambra 
La  Galatea  :  Torelli 
Galitia  :  Rondinelli 
Gallinacea  :  Castellini 
Gaudio  d'amore  :  Nottumo 

Napolitano 

I  gelosi  :  Gabiani 
La  gelosia  :  Grazzini 

II  geloso  :  Bentivoglio 
Gerusalemme  cattiva  :  Campelli 
Giardiniera  :  Moderati 
Giocasta  :  Dolce 

Gismonda  :  Asinari 

Giudizio  di  Paride  :  Buonarotti 

Giustina  reina  di  Padova  :  Cortesi 

Il  Granchio  :  Salviati 

Gratiana  :  Infiammato 

Guerra  d'amore  :  Salvadori 

La  Hadriana  :  Groto 


[  201 


La  Hecuba  :  Dolce 
L'hermafrodito  :  Parabosco 
Hero  e  Leandro  :  Bracciolini 
Hidalba  :  Veniero 
L'hipocrito  :  Aretino 
Hippolito  :  Zara 
Hippolytus  :  Martirano 
La  idropica  :  G.  B.  Guarini 
Ifigenia  :  Dolce 
Gl'incantesimi  :  Cecchi 
Gl'incostanti  afFetti  :  Q.  M.  V. 
Gl'ingannati  :  Siena,  Accademia 

degli  Intronati 
Gl'inganni  :  Ariccia,  Accademia 

degli  Sfaccendati 
Gl'inganni  :  Secchi 
Gli  ingiusti  sdegni  :  Pino 
La  ingratitudine  :  Ottonajo 
L'innocente  fanciulla  :  Gabrielli 
L'innocenza  trionfante  :  Lorenzani 
Ino  :  Cavallerini 
Gl'intricati  :  Pasqualigo 
Intrichi  d'amore  :  Tasso 
L'intrico  :  Guamieri 
Isaccio  :  Contarini 
Isifile  :  Mondella 
L'isola  d'Alcina  :  Testi 
II  ladro  :  Comparini 
II  ladro  :  Parabosco 
II  ladro  Cacco  :  Tregiani 
La  lena  :  Ariosto 
La  Leonida  :  Ghirardi 
Licandro  :  Manna 

I  lucidi  :  Firenzuola 
Lucrezia  :  Mamiano 
Lugretia  :  Bonicelli 

II  magico  legato  :  Benedetti 
Mandragola  :  Machiavelli 
Manfrino  :  Gambaro 

II  marcscalco  :  Aretino 
Marianna  :  Dolce 


II  marinaio  :  Parabosco 

II  marito  :  Dolce 

II  marito  delle  due  moglie  : 

Cicognini 
La  Medea  :  Dolce 
Medea  :  Martirano 
Menechini  :  Plautus 
La  Merope  :  Torelli 
La  moda  :  Sbarra 

I  morti  vivi  :  Oddi 
Moschetta  :  Beolco 

II  negromante  :  Ariosto 
Nella  bugia  si  trova  la  verita  : 

Cicognini 
II  Nerone  :  Boccaccio 
La  nice  :  Contile 
La  ninfa  cacciatrice  :  Bartolaia 
La  notte  :  Parabosco 
Nozze  de  Psyche  e  Cupidine  : 

Carretto 
Nubes  :  Martirano 
Orbecche  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 
Origine  di  Vicenza  :  Aleardi 
L'Ortentio  :  Gaetani 
L'Ortensio  :  Siena,  Accademia 

degli  Intronati 
L'Ortigia  :  Viviani 
Ottavia  furiosa  :  Marzi 
La  pace  :  Negro 
La  pace  fra  Tolomeo  e  Seleuco 

Morselli 
II  padre  afflitto  :  Centio 

I  parentadi  :  Grazzini 

II  pastor  fido  :  G.  B.  Guarini 
La  pellegrina  :  Bargagli 

II  pellegrino  :  Comparini 

II  pellegrino  :  Parabosco 

II  Penolo  :  Plautus 

La  Pentesilea  :  Bracciolini 

II  pentimento  amoroso  :  Groto 

II  Perideo  :  Grossi 


[   202 


Phoenissae  :  Martirano 
Pieta  d'amore  :  Trinci 
La  pinzochera  :  Grazzini 
Piovana  :  Beolco 
Plutus  :  Martirano 
II  poeta  :  Oldradi 
II  Polidoro  :  Torelli 
II  porno  d'oro  :  Sbarra 
Prigione  d'amore  :  Oddi 
Progne  :  Domenichi 
La  Progne  :  Parabosco 
Prometheus  :  Martirano 
La  pronuba  :  Asiani 
II  ragazzo  :  Dolce 
Rappresentatione  di  Santo 

Christoforo  :  Sacchetti 
II  re  Artemidoro  :  Panciatichi 
II  re  Torrismondo  :  Tasso 
La  regia  pastorella  :  Pescetti 
Rhodiana  :  Calmo 
Le  rivolte  di  Parnaso  :  Errico 
Rodopeia  :  Verlato 
Romilda  :  Cesari 
Romilda  :  Paccaroni 
Rosmunda  :  Rucellai 
II  rufFiano  :  Dolce 
Le  sacre  nozze  del  Padre  San 

Mauro  :  A.  M.  Rossi 
II  sacrificio  :  Siena,  Accademia 

degli  Intronati 
II  Saltuzza  :  Calmo 
San  Lorenzo  :  Lottini 
Lo  Sbratta  :  Pino 
La  schiava  :  Gaetani 
Scilla  :  Cesari 
Scolastica  :  Ariosto 
Selene  :  Giraldi  Cinthio 


La  Semiramis  :  Manfredi 

II  sensale  :  Mercati 

II  Sergio  :  Fenarolo 

La  Sibilla  :  Grazzini 

Sileno  :  Turamini 

Sophonisba  :  Carretto 

La  Sophonisba  :  Trissino 

La  spina  :  Salviati 

La  spiritata  :  Grazzini 

Gli  sponsali  :  Lazarino 

Sponsalitio  :  Alfonso  Guarini 

La  sporta  :  Gelli 

Le  spose  del  cielo  :  Bemeri 

Stratira  :  Branchi 

La  Strega  :  Grazzini 

I  suppositi  :  Ariosto 
La  Talanta  :  Aretino 
La  Tancia  :  Buonarotti 

II  Tancredi  :  Asinari 
II  Tancredi  :  Torelli 

La  Theodora  :  Maleguzzi 

II  thesoro  :  Groto 

Thyeste  :  Dolce 

La  tirannide  dell'interesse  :  Sbarra 

I  torti  amorosi  :  Castelletti 

Totila  :  Noris 

I  tre  tiranni  :  Ricchi 
La  trinutia  :  Firenzuola 
Le  Troiane  :  Dolce 
Vaccaria  :  Beolco 

II  Vafro  :  Grisignano 
II  velettaio  :  Massucci 
Verginia  :  Accolti 

La  verita  raminga  :  Sbarra 
II  Viluppo  :  Parabosco 
La  vittoria  :  Torelli 
La  zingana  :  Giancarli 


[  203   ] 


A  Library  for  Parliament  in  the 
Early  Seventeenth  Century 

ELIZABETH  READ  FOSTER* 


ARE  CENT  advertisement  in  the  London  Times  Literary  Supple- 
ment lists  an  opening  in  the  House  of  Commons  Library.  "A 
higher  Library  Executive,"  the  job  description  runs,  "is  required  for 
the  Scientific  Section.  Duties  include  ordering  and  control  of  the 
Section's  specialized  material;  indexing  of  reports,  pamphlets  and 
press  cuttings.  . . .  hiquiry  work  for  Members  will  develop  according 
to  the  experience  of  the  person  appointed."^  The  Scientific  Section, 
together  with  the  three  other  sections  of  the  Research  Division  of  the 
Library  (Economic,  Home  and  Parliamentary  Affairs,  and  Statistical), 
"provides  factual,  politically  objective  written  answers  to  enquiries 
from  Members  involving  research."  It  also  compiles  bibliographies, 
background  material,  and  scientific  digests.^  The  House  of  Lords 
Library  is  similarly  geared  to  support  the  legislative  work  of  the 
chamber;  but  in  addition  it  supplies  books  for  the  judicial  business  of 
the  House,  which  is  the  supreme  court  of  appeal  in  Great  Britain  and 
Northern  h-eland,  and  it  serves  as  a  departmental  library  for  the 
Lord  Chancellor,  the  presiding  officer.^ 

Such  services  both  in  the  House  of  Commons  and  in  the  House  of 
Lords  are  comparatively  new.  A  library  was  first  established  in  the 
lower  House  in  1818  and  seems  to  have  provided  some  written 
information  for  members  though  on  a  much  smaller  scale  than  it 
does  today. 4  A  disastrous  fire  in  1834  destroyed  the  Commons  Li- 
brary, almost  all  its  records,  and  half  its  books.  The  Lords  with  a 
smaller  collection,  dating  from  1826,  fared  better.  Their  books,  while 
the  fire  was  still  burning,  were  passed  from  hand  to  hand  by  soldiers 
to  St.  Margaret's  church.  The  Lords'  records  were  untouched  by 
fire,  safe  in  the  Jewel  Tower — a  relic  of  old  Westminster  Palace, 
which  may  still  be  seen,  its  little  moat  recently  restored,  between  the 
Abbey  and  the  modern  Houses  of  Parliament.  When  the  great  neo- 
Gothic  structures  which  now  house  parliament  were  built,   Sir 

*  Professor  of  History,  Bryn  Mawr  College. 

[  204   ] 


Charles  Barry  provided  four  splendid  rooms  for  the  Lords  Library, 
overlooking  the  river,  and  four  for  the  Commons.^  Fortunately  both 
escaped  destruction  in  World  War  II  and  thus  far  the  terrorist  bomb- 
ings of  recent  years.  The  Lords'  records  once  safe  in  the  Jewel  Tower 
are  now  even  safer  in  the  Victoria  Tower,  the  permanent  home  of  the 
archive  of  both  Houses.  To  this  archive,  we  will  return  later.  But  at 
present  the  Library  is  our  chief  concern.  Neither  the  Library  of  the 
Lords  nor  that  of  the  Commons  goes  back  before  the  nineteenth 
century,  and  their  significant  development  occurred  largely  after 
1945.  How  did  parliament  men  work  in  earlier  times?  To  whom  did 
they  turn  for  answers  to  their  inquiries,  for  background  material, 
and  technical  information? 

A  few  books  were  available  in  the  old  Palace  of  Westminster 
when  parliament  met  in  the  early  seventeenth  century.  In  1604  in 
preparation  for  the  opening  of  the  first  parliament  of  James  I,  the 
clerk  ordered  certain  supplies  from  the  King's  printer.  Among  them 
was  a  collection  of  books:  two  sets  of  the  statutes  at  large,  one  in 
nine  volumes,  the  other  in  two;  abridgements  of  the  statutes;  two 
books  of  "computation  of  years";  one  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
"with  prayers  for  the  parliament  inserted";  and  "one  fair  Bible  in 
folio."  For  a  later  session  of  this  same  parliament,  statutes,  abridge- 
ments, almanacs,  and  books  of  computation  were  again  provided. 
The  Book  of  Common  Prayer  must  include,  in  addition  to  prayers 
for  parliament,  the  prayers  "touching  the  powder  treason,"  as 
seemed  appropriate  after  Guy  Fawkes's  attempt  to  blow  up  both 
Houses  and  the  King.  In  1614,  the  King's  printer  again  delivered  a 
Book  of  Common  Prayer,  a  series  of  statutes  and  abridgements,  one 
large  Bible  "fair  bound  and  gilt,"  and  four  Bibles  for  the  King  and 
Queen.  He  supplied  Speed's  "Chronology  of  England,"  Holinshed's 
Chronicles,  and  Foxe's  Book  of  Martyrs,  relating  the  sufferings  of  those 
Protestant  "saints"  who  had  been  persecuted  by  Catholic  monarchs.^ 
Some  of  these  volumes  were  presumably  for  use  in  the  chambers  of 
parliament;  others  may  have  been  intended  for  the  clerk's  office.  All 
were  apparently  sold  for  cash  at  the  end  of  a  session,  possibly  as  one 
of  the  clerical  perquisites.^ 

Such  is  the  evidence  we  have  of  a  small  working  library  for  the 
upper  House — a  library  possibly  to  be  shared  by  both  Houses^ — but 
in  any  case  a  collection  gathered  together  before  each  session,  prob- 

[  205  ] 


ably  sold  at  the  end  of  the  session,  and  hardly  more  than  was  needed 
for  ceremonial  purposes  and  daily  business.  Where,  then,  were  the 
books  and  manuscripts  which  men  of  parliament,  peers  and  com- 
moners, used  in  the  early  seventeenth  century?  Members  of  both 
Houses  were  often  university  men.  Some  had  attended  the  Inns  of 
Court  and  read  law  as  well.^  The  classical  allusions  and  Latin  tags 
which  peppered  their  speeches  came  from  their  memories  of  gram- 
mar school  or  the  texts  studied  at  Oxford,  Cambridge,  or  with 
private  tutors.  They  had  learned  their  Latin  from  the  works  of 
Cicero,  Livy,  and  Suetonius.  They  had  read  Plutarch  and  Diodorus 
Siculus  in  Greek  or  in  translation,  and  these  books  remained  on  their 
shelves.  They  owned  some  law  books,  some  chronicles. ^°  Maxims 
and  phrases  were  readily  available  in  books  of  quotations.  ^^  Biblical 
references  were  familiar  to  all,  and  the  frequency  with  which  they 
were  used  bespoke  the  thorough  knowledge  of  the  Bible  character- 
istic of  many  families  and  congregations.^^ 

For  technical  information,  members  of  parliament  relied  on  the 
testimony  of  "experts."  Merchants  came  to  the  lower  House  to 
make  depositions  in  the  hearings  on  "free  trade."  Representatives  of 
the  great  trading  companies  were  summoned  to  inform  the  Com- 
mons. In  the  same  way  officers  of  the  law  courts  were  heard, 
recipients  of  patents  or  monopoly  grants,  customs  officers.  ^^  But  for 
other  information — for  example,  for  the  problems  of  law  involved 
in  the  unsuccessful  negotiations  for  union  with  Scotland  in  1606  or 
for  the  material  used  in  the  debates  on  the  Petition  of  Right  in  1628^"^ 
— members  and  the  King's  learned  counsel  (assisting  in  the  upper 
House)  engaged  in  basic  legal  and  historical  research.  Fortunately, 
allusions  and  citations  in  the  speeches  themselves  tell  us  where  the 
work  was  done. 

We  must  go  first  to  the  other  end  of  London — past  the  Inns  of 
Court,  past  the  Guildhall  and  the  booksellers'  stalls  to  the  Tower, 
which  guarded  the  city  on  the  east.  The  Tower  was  the  largest  re- 
pository of  public  records.  Here  were  stored  the  records  of  the 
King's  courts,  including  the  high  court  of  parliament:  the  parliament 
rolls,  the  statute  rolls,  the  parliamentary  writs.  Here,  paying  their 
due  fees  to  the  Keepers,  members  or  the  clerks,  directed  by  the 
Houses  to  search  precedents,  could  consult  the  records.  ^^  They  were 
not  easy  to  read — the  crabbed  medieval  characters,  the  Latin  and  law 

[206  ] 


French.  A  committee  of  peers,  investigating  the  history  of  their 
privileges,  soon  found  the  Tower  cold,  "the  labour  great  and  the 
work  intricate,"  and  delegated  their  responsibilities  to  more  ex- 
perienced, hardier  men  in  the  lower  House,  to  John  Selden  and 
William  Hakewill,  lawyers  and  antiquaries.^^ 

Research  in  the  Tower  was  difficult  and  could  be  expensive  and 
frustrating.  Sir  Simonds  D'Ewes,  the  antiquary,  full  of  zeal  at  first, 
spent  many  hours  there,  but  presently  ran  afoul  of  the  Keeper  of  the 
Records,  who,  D'Ewes  said,  "picked  out  a  frivolous  difference" 
with  him.^^  Workers  were  hampered  by  the  lack  of  catalogues  or 
adequate  guides.  Thomas  Powell  who  issued  a  handbook  in  1622  for 
the  search  of  records  spoke  of  the  need  for  calendars  and  also  for 
repairs  to  those  "worne  out  with  their  Antiquitie,  before  it  be  too 
late  and  past  remedie."^^  Even  with  Powell's  handbook  and  the 
calendar  published  in  1631,  a  searcher  would  have  difficulties.  Some 
rolls  were  missing,  others  difficult  to  locate.  For  example,  among 
those  "placed  in  uncertaine  places  but  most  commonly  in  the 
Study,"  were  "Liber.  Parliament,  tempor.  Edw.  1.  &  Edw.  2.,"  some 
statute  rolls  and  petitions  of  parliament.  ^^ 

The  Tower  was  not  the  only  repository  of  public  records.  Mate- 
rials needed  for  parliamentary  debates  could  be  found  in  any  one  of 
the  four  treasuries  of  the  Exchequer  in  Westminster.^^  They  might 
be  with  the  records  of  the  common  law  courts  in  the  Chapter  House 
of  Westminster  Abbey,  or  in  the  Rolls  Chapel  in  Chancery  Lane. 
In  each  repository,  Powell  described  a  bewildering  variety  of  bags, 
baskets,  presses,  and  chests  with  three,  four,  or  five  locks.  For  access 
to  each,  he  listed  the  necessary  fees — is.  for  opening  a  chest,  "besides 
the  Ushers,  for  opening  the  doores."^^  In  some  repositories,  the  fees 
were  "uncertain."  In  others  they  were  "greater,  because  they  are 
divided  amongst  many  hands. "^^  William  Prynne,  who  in  1657 
published  an  abridgement  of  the  records  in  the  Tower,  advertised 
that  at  a  cost  of  205.  his  book  would  save  his  readers  ;£200.  He  was 
probably  right.^-^ 

This  kind  of  legal  and  historical  investigation  was  not  for  the 
unskilled  or  the  faint-hearted.  A  battery  of  experienced  and  articulate 
lawyers  and  antiquarians  prepared  the  legal  debates  for  the  House  of 
Commons.  The  Lords  relied  largely  on  the  advice  of  their  assistants, 
the  judges,  and  the  legal  counsel  of  the  King.  Difficult  though  it  was, 

[  207  ] 


for  certain  purposes  such  research  was  imperative.  In  1610,  the 
House  of  Commons,  debating  one  of  the  great  constitutional  issues 
of  the  century,  the  King's  right  to  levy  additional  customs  duties  or 
impositions  without  consent  of  parliament,  dispatched  a  committee 
to  search  the  records  in  the  Tower.^'^  When  these  records  had  been 
collected  and  copies  provided  by  the  Keepers,  all  the  lawyers  of  the 
House  met  at  the  Inns  of  Court  "to  prepare  the  matter.''^^  Later,  at  a 
committee  of  the  whole  House  in  the  lower  chamber,  the  records 
were  read  aloud,  translated  from  law  French  and  Latin  into  English, 
and  fully  explained  to  all  members. ^^  In  1621,  when  the  House  of 
Commons  was  casting  about  for  a  way  to  punish  public  offenders, 
members  again  searched  the  records  in  the  Tower  and  found  there 
the  precedents  of  impeachment.  In  a  later  session  the  clerk  read  to 
the  House  of  Lords  the  parliament  roll  concerning  the  trial  of  the 
Earl  of  Northumberland  in  the  reign  of  Henry  IV.^"^  The  Lords  in 
1626,  asserting  their  privilege  of  freedom  from  arrest  in  time  of 
parliament,  produced  an  impressive  array  of  precedents  from  the 
medieval  rolls.  In  1628,  the  debate  in  both  Houses  on  arbitrary 
imprisonment  was,  like  the  case  against  additional  customs  duties, 
documented  for  and  against  the  crown  from  the  records  in  the 
Tower.^^ 

Fortunately  it  was  not  always  necessary,  even  for  lawyers,  to  go 
to  the  Tower  or  other  public  repositories  and  to  pay  the  Keepers  in 
order  to  prepare  the  work  of  a  session.  Some  of  the  important 
records  were  in  print.  Many  had  been  transcribed  and  circulated  in 
manuscript  or  were  available  at  certain  libraries  in  or  near  London. 

The  greatest  of  these  was  the  library  of  Sir  Robert  Cotton.  Cotton 
kept  his  manuscripts,  not  in  the  mysterious  bags,  baskets  and  chests 
which  confused  the  searcher  in  public  repositories,  but  in  fourteen 
splendid  presses,  each  surmounted  by  a  bust  of  one  of  the  twelve 
Caesars,  with  Cleopatra  and  Faustina  thrown  in  to  make  up  the 
number.  By  1586,  Cotton  had  settled  in  Westminster,  close  by  the 
river,  on  a  site  now  occupied  by  the  House  of  Lords.  His  house  and 
growing  library  soon  became  a  meeting  place  for  the  Elizabethan 
Society  of  Antiquaries^^  and  for  other  scholars  concerned  to  save 
what  could  still  be  salvaged  of  the  manuscript  collections  and  records 
of  the  past — many  of  them  scattered  with  the  dissolution  of  the 
monasteries.^*^  Since  it  was  close  at  hand.  Cotton's  library  was  also  a 

[  208  ] 


resource  for  members  of  parliament,  some  of  them  also  fellow 
antiquarians.  Cotton's  holdings  were  particularly  rich  in  the  history 
of  England  from  the  earliest  period  to  his  own.  As  time  went  on,  he 
incorporated  into  his  collections  those  of  other  antiquaries  and  many 
volumes  of  state  papers,  foreign  and  domestic,  of  the  Tudor  period. 
He  exchanged  books  and  pamphlets,  he  borrowed  and  doubtless 
preempted.-^ ^  (The  line  between  public  documents  and  private  pos- 
sessions was  even  less  clearly  drawn  in  his  day  than  in  our  own.)  He 
also  was  generous  in  his  gifts  to  other  bookmen  and  in  his  loans, 
"What  addeth  a  luster  to  all  the  rest,"  Thomas  Fuller  wrote  of  Cot- 
ton's library,  "is  the  favourable  accesse  thereunto,  for  such  as  bring 
any  competency  of  skill  with  them,  and  leave  thankfulness  behind 
them."-^^  Sir  Francis  Bacon,  attorney  general,  member  of  parlia- 
ment, and  later  Lord  Chancellor,  used  Cotton's  collections.^^  Sir 
Edward  Coke,  attorney  general,  judge,  and  member  of  parliament, 
borrowed  from  Cotton  "A  great  book  of  Abbrigment  ...  18  Ed. 
primi  to  30  Eliz.  bound  in  red  lether";  one  "Mr.  Borough"  (possibly 
the  Keeper  of  the  Records  in  the  Tower)  borrowed  a  parliament 
book  of  Richard  II,  Henry  IV,  and  Henry  V,  "bound  in  velom  and 
lent  to  Mr.  Attorney. "-^"^  Simonds  D'Ewes,  as  a  law  student  in  1625, 
went  often  to  Westminster  to  report  law  cases  at  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas.  When  he  found  little  there  which  he  considered 
worth  his  while,  he  withdrew  to  Cotton's  library  to  transcribe 
documents,  and  through  the  years  he  frequently  borrowed  Cotton's 
manuscripts.-'^  Cotton's  librarian,  Richard  James,  even  loaned  books 
to  Sir  John  Eliot,  imprisoned  in  the  Tower  for  his  activities  in  the 
House  of  Commons. ^^ 

In  1606  when  a  point  of  procedure  arose  in  the  lower  House,  Sir 
Robert  Cotton  produced  what  he  considered  to  be  an  appropriate 
precedent  from  the  parliament  of  Henry  IV.-' '^  Later  during  a  legal 
debate  in  1614,  one  member  reminded  the  House  of  Cotton's  col- 
lections.-'^ A  notebook,  kept  by  an  English  gentleman  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  contains  "notes  taken  from  a  journal  lent  me  by  Mr. 
Cotton  ...  in  the  year  1620,"  and  "notes  taken  from  a  very  exact 
journal  of  the  upper  House  of  parliament  lent  by  Mr.  Cotton" 
which,  he  observed,  was  copied  "out  of  the  clerk's  own  book."^^ 

Sir  Edward  Coke,  who  sat  in  many  parliaments  and  was  a  con- 
temporary of  Cotton's,  maintained  in  his  chambers  at  the  Inner 

[  209  ] 


Temple  in  London  and  at  his  residence  at  Stow  a  library  which  in- 
cluded a  wide  variety  of  books.  In  addition  to  his  basic  working 
collection  on  English  law,  he  owned  and  read  books  on  divinity, 
history,  philosophy,  and  what  he  called  "antiquities."  His  library, 
though  smaller  than  some,  was  still  regarded  late  in  the  seventeenth 
century  as  one  of  the  great  libraries  of  England. "^^  Coke  did  not  need 
to  go  far  from  his  chambers  to  fmd  the  material  which  he  used  so 
effectively  in  parliamentary  speeches.  He  had  at  hand  several  books 
of  "acts  and  records  of  parliament,"  one  "beginning  with  3  Edw:  I 
and  endinge  31.  Eliz:,"  and  a  "table  or  reportorie  of  records  and 
acts  of  parliament,"  which  he  called  his  "Vade  Mecum"  He  owned  a 
book  of  "auncient  presidents,"  he  had  statutes,  Year  Books  (or  an- 
nual reports  of  cases),  carefully  annotated,  and  historical  and  state 
papers.  He  had  printed  reports  of  cases  and  several  important  series 
in  manuscript."*^  Known  as  a  bibliotheca  viva^'^ — a  walking  ency- 
clopedia of  legal  knowledge — it  was  Coke,  with  his  long  years 
of  experience  in  court  and  his  long  hours  of  study,  who  recognized 
Judge  Anderson's  account  of  a  case  "in  his  own  hand"  when  it  was 
brought  into  the  House  and  helped  John  Selden  to  refute  certain 
statements  made  by  the  King's  lawyers  in  parliament  in  1628. "^-^  A 
committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  Petition  of  Right  met 
in  Coke's  chambers,  possibly  a  matter  of  courtesy  to  an  old  man  but 
certainly  members  could  fmd  there  ready  to  their  hand  much  mate- 
rial they  needed  to  debate  the  liberty  of  the  subject.'*'*  Twice  Coke's 
papers  were  seized.  "I  was  committed  to  the  Tower"  in  1621,  he 
remembered,  "and  all  my  bookes  and  studdie  searched,  and  37 
manuscrips  were  taken  away."  Thirty-four  were  restored,  but  he 
still,  after  seven  years,  mourned  the  loss  of  three,  among  them  a 
breviate  of  records  in  the  Tower.'*^  Even  as  he  lay  dying,  his  cham- 
bers were  rifled  and  three  bundles  of  papers  "concerning  Parliament 
businesse"  were  removed.'*^  But  by  that  time  his  library  and  his 
learning  had  done  their  work.  The  King  had  called  him  "Captain 
Coke,  the  leader  of  the  faction  in  parliament."'*'^  His  studies  and  his 
collections  served  him  and  posterity  well;  whether  his  books  and 
manuscripts  were  directly  available  to  others,  as  Cotton's  were,  we 
do  not  know. 

John  Selden,  legal  scholar  and  antiquary,  a  younger  man  than 
Coke,  also  worked  in  Cotton's  library  and  borrowed  from  it.'*^  He 

[  210  ] 


was  at  the  same  time  adding  to  his  own  collections  and  forming  the 
important  library  kept  at  the  Inner  Temple  and  at  the  London  house 
of  the  Dowager  Duchess  of  Kent  nearby — a  library  ultimately  to  go 
to  the  Bodley  at  Oxford/^  By  1621,  Selden  was  actively  engaged  in 
searching  precedents  for  both  Houses,  hi  the  same  year,  Bacon,  after 
his  impeachment,  consulted  Selden  on  a  point  of  procedure,  hoping 
to  fmd  a  loophole  for  escape.^°  Five  years  later,  in  1626,  Selden,  as  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Commons,  marshalled  his  legal  knowledge 
and  historical  precedents  to  support  impeachment  charges  against  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  the  King's  favorite.^^  In  1628,  again  a  mem- 
ber of  the  lower  House,  Selden,  with  Coke  and  others,  prepared  the 
case  against  arbitrary  imprisonment,  citing  records  in  the  Tower  and 
in  their  own  libraries  in  the  great  debate  which  reached  its  climax  in 
the  Petition  of  Right.^^  Selden  was  not  content  with  abridgements 
and  abstracts.  Triumphantly  he  beat  back  the  efforts  of  certain  peers 
to  defend  the  king's  right  to  imprison  "for  reason  of  state."  "In 
Magna  Charta,"  Selden  said,  "there  were  no  such  Clauses,  the  Articles 
themselves  are  to  be  seen  in  a  Library  at  Lambeth."  He  went  on  to 
discuss  the  confirmation  of  Magna  Carta  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III; 
"there  is  no  Parliament  Roll  of  that  year,"  he  declared  and  no  one 
could  refute  his  statement;  "yet  we  have  Histories  of  that  time:  In  the 
Library  at  Oxford  there  is  a  Journal  of  a  Parliament  of  that  very 
year,"  and  the  account  is  further  corroborated,  he  said,  by  a  "Manu- 
script that  belonged  to  an  Abby,"  now  in  the  "publick  Library  at 
Cambridge."^^  Selden  used  his  own  vast  collections,  worked  wherever 
additional  material  was  available,  borrowed  when  he  needed  to,  and 
freely  loaned  to  others.^'* 

Sir  Simonds  D'Ewes  began  to  buy  books  while  still  at  Cambridge. 
In  the  years  1620-1623,  continuing  his  studies  at  the  Middle  Temple 
in  London,  he  added  legal  books  and  treatises,  statutes  and  reports. 
In  1623  he  was  called  to  the  Bar  and,  with  more  income  available, 
purchased  first  Henry  Savile's  library,  strong  in  theological  manu- 
scripts, then  the  manuscripts  of  the  scientist  John  Dee,  and  in  1628 
the  papers  of  Ralph  Starkey.  This  mass  of  material  included  state 
papers  and  historical  documents  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries,  some  of  them  originally  gathered  by  John  Stow.^^  By 
1629,  D'Ewes  had  acquired  a  house  in  Islington  where  he  proudly 
established  his  library  "in  a  chamber  over  the  hall."  Later  he  settled 

[  211   ] 


himself  and  his  books  at  Stowe  Hall  in  Suffolk. ^^  The  strength  of 
D'Ewes's  collections  was  in  his  manuscripts  and  charters,  rather  than 
in  his  printed  books. -''^  His  library  was  much  used  (often  by  corre- 
spondence) and  much  admired  by  the  circle  of  antiquaries  and 
scholars  who  were  his  friends.  Like  Sir  Robert  Cotton,  Sir  Edward 
Coke,  and  John  Selden,  D'Ewcs  was  a  member  of  parliament, 
though  not  until  1640.  His  speeches  show  his  knowledge  of  his  own 
collections.^^  He  referred  to  patent  rolls,  pipe  rolls,  close  rolls,  com- 
mon plea  rolls,  to  the  statutes,  to  rolls  of  parliament  and  the  ancient 
charters  in  the  Tower. ^^  Many  he  had  painfully  transcribed  himself 
or  obtained  from  others.^°  Above  all  he  was  the  master  of  Eliza- 
bethan parliaments.  He  had  transcripts  of  the  journals  of  both  Houses 
and  some  additional  diary  material. ^^  He  had  copies  of  accounts  of 
parliament  in  the  reigns  of  James  I  and  Charles  I.^^  After  1640,  he 
continued  to  buy  in  current  parliamentary  materials,  as  they  were 
published.^-' 

To  Sir  Robert  Cotton's  library  and  later  to  that  of  Sir  Simonds 
D'Ewes,  men  of  parliament  frequently  went.  Coke  and  Selden  both 
had  great  collections.  Selden  seems  to  have  loaned  books  freely  and 
welcomed  visitors.  Whether  Coke  shared  in  the  same  way,  we  do 
not  know. 

Most  lawyers  who  were  members  of  parliament  doubtless  had 
their  own  working  libraries.  A  man's  books  in  this  profession  were 
the  tools  of  his  trade.  A  study  of  the  books  owned  by  Thomas 
Egerton,  Lord  Ellesmere,  Lord  Chancellor  of  England  in  the  years 
1603-1617,  has  revealed  how  carefully  Egerton  annotated  key  vol- 
umes, making  cross-references  to  other  works,  adding  new  cases  as 
they  were  argued  and  decided  and  thus  making  his  own  common 
law  abridgements. '^'^  The  books  of  Oliver  St.  John,  lawyer  for  John 
Hampden  in  1637  in  the  Ship  Money  case,  show  evidence  of  the 
same  kind  of  use  as  those  of  Egerton. *^^  Sir  Edward  Coke  annotated 
his  books  in  the  same  way  and  recorded  cases. ^^  There  were  other 
methods  of  studying  law  such  as  that  later  described  by  Roger  North. 
The  student  should  buy  a  large  paper  book,  North  wrote,  and  enter 
in  it  a  set  of  "titles"  or  headings.  Under  each  title,  as  seemed  appro- 
priate, he  then  should  abstract  cases  as  he  read  them.  The  man  who 
tries  to  remember  a  case  to  illustrate  a  point  of  law.  North  remarked, 
will  scratch  his  head  in  vain;  but  "he  that  common  places  along  with 

[  212  ] 


his  reading,  runs  straight  to  his  book;  and  knowing  the  method, 
probably  .  .  .  finds  it."  North  also  recommended  that  the  student 
should  attend  the  courts,  as  D'Ewes  had  done,  and  take  notes  there, 
to  be  written  up  later  at  leisure.  Thus  a  student  of  law  compiled  his 
own  books. ^^ 

This  is  the  way  men  learned  the  law.  The  libraries  of  the  Inns  of 
Court  were  of  little  value  during  the  seventeenth  century. ^^  One 
used  the  repositories  of  public  records,  the  transcripts  of  friends 
stored  in  private  collections  accessible  in  and  about  London,  and 
consulted  one's  own  stock  of  law  books  and  statutes,  one's  own 
notes  of  cases,  and  collections  of  principles. ^^  As  the  lav^ers  and 
antiquaries  worked,  so  too  the  parliament  men.  They  had,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  materials  in  public  repositories  or  available  in  the  book- 
sellers' stalls,  their  own  store  of  records,  gradually  accumulating  in 
and  about  the  Palace  of  Westminster,  their  own  accounts  of  pro- 
ceedings on  the  floor  of  each  House,  similar  to  the  lawyers'  reports, 
their  own  collections  of  precedents  and  notes  on  procedure,  their 
own  "commonplace"  books. 

It  was  natural  that  parliament  men  who  relied  so  heavily  on  the 
records  of  the  past  should  begin  to  take  care  of  their  own  records,  the 
records  of  their  present.  The  foundation  of  an  archive  of  parhament 
was  first  laid  down  in  the  century  from  1497  to  1597,  when  succes- 
sive clerks  of  parliament  retained  in  their  own  custody  the  original 
engrossed  acts  (instead  of  transferring  them  to  the  Chancery  as  had 
previously  been  done).  In  the  sixteenth  century  the  clerks  had  also 
established  the  Journals  of  the  upper  and  of  the  lower  House.'^^ 
Clerks  of  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  continued  and 
solidified  these  practices  and  in  addition  began  to  preserve  (at  least 
for  the  upper  House)  all  the  documents  used  in  the  course  of  a  ses- 
sion— thus  instituting  the  file  now  known  as  the  main  papers.'^^  By 
1621,  the  House  of  Lords  had  established  a  record  office  in  the  Jewel 
Tower,  a  move,  which  as  we  have  seen,  was  of  immense  importance 
in  saving  the  records  from  destruction  in  1834."^^  In  all  these  ar- 
rangements, the  Lords  led  the  way.  William  Hakewill,  good  anti- 
quary that  he  was  and  long  a  member  of  parliament,  could  only 
urge  his  fellow  commoners  to  follow  their  example. ^-^ 

With  the  preparation  of  the  Journals,  the  official  account  of  pro- 
ceedings, both  Houses  took  particular  pains;  each  appointed  a  com- 

[  213  ] 


mittee  to  supervise  what  was  written  and  each  emphasized  the  im- 
portance of  a  record."^"^  The  clerks  and  their  assistants  were  not  the 
only  men  who  made  notes.  In  both  Houses,  certain  members  kept 
diaries.  Like  the  law  students  who  observed  proceedings  in  other 
courts,  so  commoners  and  peers  jotted  down  what  they  could 
catch  as  parliamentary  debates  progressed,  and  a  few,  at  their  leisure, 
recast  what  they  had  written.  Some  of  these  accounts  circulated 
among  friends.  Others  were  pirated  or  even  fabricated  by  stationers 
who  capitalized  on  the  demand  for  parliamentary  news.^^  From 
these  accounts,  from  their  own  experience,  from  the  Journals,  and 
from  more  ancient  records  in  the  Tower  and  elsewhere,  the  clerks 
and  members  compiled  lists  of  precedents  and  ultimately  books  of 
procedure.  Robert  Bowyer  who  kept  a  diary  in  the  lower  House  in 
1606  and  1607,  especially  marked  points  of  procedure  in  the  margin. 
Later  these  passages  reappeared  in  a  book  of  precedents."^^  Bowyer 
also  kept  "commonplace  books"  of  parliamentary  procedure,  with 
precedents  arranged  under  different  heads  or  titles. ^^  William  Hake- 
will  who  served  in  parliament  at  the  same  time  as  Bowyer  tells  us 
how  he  wrote  his  own  book  of  procedure.  "Having  .  .  ,  the  free  use 
and  perusall  of  all  the  Journals  of  the  Commons  House  of  Parliament 
...  I  read  them  all  through,  and  whatsoever  I  conceived  to  tend  to 
the  rule  of  the  House  ...  I  reduced  under  apt  Parliamentary  Titles.  "^^ 
It  was  the  same  method  which  North  was  to  describe  a  century  later. 
Members  of  the  House  of  Lords  were  equally  interested  in  pro- 
cedure.^^ There  emerged  in  1621  the  first  collection  of  "Standing 
Orders"  of  the  upper  House,  probably  a  by-product  of  a  committee 
appointed  to  take  consideration  of  the  customs  and  orders  of  the 
House.^*^  These  "Orders,"  engrossed  on  parchment  rolls,  governed 
procedure.  They  circulated  widely  in  manuscript,  and  may  be  found 
in  many  noble  homes.  Peers  carried  small  pocket  versions  with  them. 

Thus  men  of  parliament,  like  the  lawyers,  wrote  their  own  books, 
books  of  procedure,  books  of  orders,  accounts  of  their  own  pro- 
ceedings in  diaries  and  in  official  journals.  They  established  an  ar- 
chive in  Westminster  where  men  could  search  for  more  recent 
precedents  as  antiquarians  had  sought  out  in  the  Tower  those  which 
were  more  ancient.  Having  no  library  in  the  modern  sense,  they 
improvised  and  used  what  they  could  fmd  where  they  could  fmd  it. 

The  fruits  of  their  endeavors  should  not  be  forgotten  by  Ameri- 

[  214  ] 


cans.  When  Thomas  Jefferson  first  composed  a  manual  of  procedure 
for  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  he  turned,  he  said,  to  parhamen- 
tary  practice  used  within  the  states  or  that  "which  has  served  as  a 
prototype  to  most  of  them.  This  last,"  he  wrote,  "is  the  model  which 
we  have  all  studied.  ...  Its  rules  are  probably  as  wisely  constructed, 
for  governing  the  debates  of  a  deliberative  body,  and  obtaining  its 
true  sense,  as  any  which  can  become  known  to  us."^^  The  revival  of 
the  medieval  process  of  impeachment  in  1621,  1624,  1626,  and  1628 
is  embodied  in  our  own  Constitution  and  in  our  own  recent  experi- 
ence. The  struggle  against  arbitrary  imprisonment  so  fiercely  fought 
in  1628  is  reflected  in  our  own  Bill  of  Rights.  It  was  in  large  part 
through  the  researches  in  the  Tower  and  in  the  libraries  of  Cotton, 
Coke,  Seidell,  and  D'Ewes  that  this  and  other  human  rights^^  ulti- 
mately came  to  the  United  States. 

NOTES 

1.  The  Times  Literary  Supplement,  November  29,  1974. 

2.  Services  of  the  House  of  Commons  Library  1974. 

3.  C.  S.  A.  Dobson,  "Parliamentary  Libraries:  The  House  of  Lords,"  in  The 
Libraries  of  London,  ed.  Raymond  Irwin  and  Ronald  Stavely  (London,  1961), 
pp.  92-93- 

4.  For  information  concerning  the  House  of  Commons  Library,  I  have  relied  on 
the  article  in  the  same  volume  by  S.  Gordon,  "The  House  of  Commons,"  and 
on  information  provided  by  the  present  librarian,  David  C.  L.  Holland. 

5.  Dobson,  pp.  90-91;  Gordon,  p.  95. 

6.  Elizabeth  Read  Foster,  The  Painful  Labour  of  Mr.  Elsyng  [Transactions  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia,  1972),  p.  13. 

7.  This  is  suggested  by  the  duphcation  of  supphes  and  by  the  practice  in  the  lower 
House  later  in  the  century,  for  which  see  Orlo  Cyprian  Williams,  The  Clerical 
Organization  of  the  House  of  Commons  1661-1850  (Oxford,  1954),  pp.  111-112 
note,  308  note,  312.  There  is  no  evidence  whether  the  profits  of  the  sale  of 
books  early  in  the  century  fell  solely  to  the  clerk  of  the  parliaments  or  whether 
the  presiding  officer  in  the  House  of  Lords  shared  them. 

8.  Destruction  of  the  records  of  the  House  of  Commons  in  1834  makes  it  im- 
possible to  clarify  this  point. 

9.  J.  E.  Neale,  The  Elizabethan  House  of  Commons  (New  Haven,  1950),  pp.  302- 
308;  Mary  Frear  Keeler,  The  Long  Parliament,  1640-1641  (Philadelphia,  1954), 
pp.  27-28;  Lawrence  Stone,  The  Crisis  of  the  Aristocracy,  1558-1641  (Oxford, 
1965),  chap.  12  (pp.  672-724).  For  the  education  of  the  bishops,  see  A.  P. 
Kautz,  "The  Selection  of  the  Jacobean  Bishops,"  in  H.  S.  Reinmuth,  Jr.,  ed., 
Early  Stuart  Studies  (Minneapolis,  1970),  pp.  156-157. 

[215] 


10.  Wallace  Notestcin,  The  English  People  on  the  Eve  of  Colonization  1603-1630 
(New  York,  1954),  p.  53,  and  plate  8,  "A  reading  country  gentleman," 
showing  the  tomb  of  Sir  Thomas  Lucy  2nd  in  Charlecote  church,  Warwick- 
shire, with  his  books  (in  Carrara  marble)  ranged  on  shelves  behind  him.  For 
the  libraries  of  some  peers,  see  Stone,  Appendix  xxxvii,  p.  794.  For  the  list  of 
books  which  Sir  Simonds  D'Ewes  acquired  as  a  student  at  Cambridge,  see 
Andrew  G.  Watson,  The  Library  of  Sir  Simonds  D'Ewes  (London,  1966), 
pp.  i8fF. 

11.  For  example,  Polyanthea  nova  (W.  O.  Hassall,  ed.,  A  Catalogue  of  the  Library  of 
Sir  Edward  Coke  With  a  Preface  by  Samuel  E.  Thome  [New  Haven,  1950], 
Preface,  p.  v). 

12.  In  a  debate  on  March  31, 1628,  reference  was  made  to  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
Seneca,  Pliny  the  younger,  and  Cicero  (British  Museum  MSS.,  Stowe  366). 
Christopher  Hill,  Society  and  Puritanism  in  Pre-Revolutionary  England  (New 
York,  1964,)  chap.  13,  "The  Spiritualization  of  the  Household,"  pp.  443-481; 
William  Haller,  The  Rise  of  Puritanism  (New  York,  1938),  pp.  19,  128-134. 

13.  The  hearings  on  the  "free  trade"  bill  in  1604  attracted  a  "great  Concourse  of 
Clothiers  and  Merchants"  and  "Divers  Writings  and  Informations"  on  both 
sides  (^The  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons  [London,  1742-],  i,  218).  Hearings 
in  1621  involved  officers  of  courts,  representatives  of  companies,  and  patentees. 
See  [Edward  Nicholas],  Proceedings  and  Debates  of  the  House  of  Commons  in  1620 
and  1621  (Oxford,  1766),  i,  227,  241-249;  Wallace  Notestein,  Frances  Helen 
Relf,  Hartley  Simpson,  eds..  Commons  Debates  1621  (New  Haven,  1935),  vi,  12- 
17,  476;  IV,  175-177;  V,  319,  321;  Elizabeth  Read  Foster,  "The  Procedure  of  the 
House  of  Commons  against  Patents  and  Monopolies,  1621-1624,"  in  Conflict 
in  Stuart  England:  Essays  in  Honour  of  Wallace  Notestein,  ed.  W.  A.  Aiken  and 
B.  D.  Henning  (London,  i960),  pp.  67,  70.  On  wimesses,  see  Maurice  F. 
Bond,  "Wimesses  in  Parliament:  Some  Historical  Notes,"  The   Table,  40 

(1971),  15-37- 

14.  David  Harris  Willson,  ed..  The  Parliamentary  Diary  of  Robert  Bowyer,  1606-1607 
(Minneapolis  and  London,  1931),  pp.  21S-22S;  Journals  of  the  House  of  Lords 
(London,  1767-),  iii,  717-731  (April  9,  1628). 

15.  For  directions  to  the  clerk  in  the  House  of  Commons,  see  Willson,  Bowyer, 
p.  X.  For  the  House  of  Lords,  see  Foster,  Elsyng,  pp.  9,  11,  34,  44.  For  some 
official  searches,  fees  were  not  charged  (Journals  of  the  House  of  Lords,  iii,  65). 

16.  Lady  Evangeline  de  Villiers,  ed.,  "The  Hastings  Journal  of  the  Parliament  of 
1621,"  The  Camden  Miscellany,  Camden  Society,  Third  Series,  Lxxxm  (Lon- 
don, 1953).  vi. 

17.  He  had  begun  work  at  the  Tower  in  1621,  when,  he  said,  he  fell  "upon  the 
search  of  records  and  other  exotic  monuments  of  antiquity,  being  the  most 
ravishing  and  satisfying  part  of  human  knowledge"  (James  Orchard  Halliwell, 
ed..  The  Autobiography  and  Correspondence  of  Sir  Simonds  D'Ewes,  Bart.,  During 
the  Reigns  of  James  L  and  Charles  I  [London,  1845],  i,  197).  In  1625/6,  he  dis- 
continued his  visits  because  of  difficulties  with  Burroughs  (Watson,  p.  248). 
Others  seem  to  have  had  disagreements  with  the  Keepers.  In  1610,  there  had 

[216] 


been  reports  that  the  Keeper  did  not  provide  copies  of  documents  for  the 
House  of  Commons  rapidly  enough  (Elizabeth  Read  Foster,  ed.,  Proceedings  in 
Parliament  1610  [New  Haven,  1966],  11,  149  note).  William  Prynne  spoke  of 
the  efforts  of  "self-seeking  Monopolists  of  our  Records'  to  prevent  their  publi- 
cation {An  Exact  Abridgement  of  the  Records  in  the  Toiler  of  London  .  .  .  collected 
by  Sir  Robert  Cotton  Knight  and  Baronet.  Revised  .  .  .  by  William  Prynne  [Lon- 
don, 1657],  Preface).  On  the  authorship  of  this  abridgement,  see  H.  G. 
Richardson  and  George  Sayles,  eds.,  Rotuli  Parliamentorum  Anglie  hactenus 
inediti  MCCLXXIX-MCCCLXXIII,  Camden  Society,  Third  Series,  Li  (Lon- 
don, 1935)  xxii,  231. 

18.  Watson,  pp.  40-41;  Thomas  Powell,  Direction  for  Search  of  Records  Remaining 
in  The  Chancerie,  Tower,  Exchequer  (London,  1622),  pp.  18-19. 

19.  The  Repertorie  of  Records:  Remaining  in  the  4.  Treasuries  on  the  Receipt  side  at 
Westminster.  The  two  Remembrancers  of  the  Exchequer.  With  a  briefe  introductive 
Index  of  the  Records  of  the  Chancery  and  Tower:  Whereby  to  give  the  better  Direction 
to  the  Records  abovesaid.  As  also,  A  most  exact  Calender  of  all  those  Records  of  the 
Tower  .  .  .  (London,  1631),  pp.  211-215.  This  is  commonly  described  as  a 
reissue  of  Powell's  book,  which  is  inaccurate  since  it  was  both  rewritten  and 
greatly  enlarged.  Prynne  noted  that  some  rolls  of  parliament  were  missing 
through  the  negligence  of  the  Keepers  or  the  "iniquity"  of  the  times.  Some 
parliamentary  records  had  been  suppressed  or  embezzled  "or  through  the 
Default  of  our  Kings  Great  Officers  and  Atturneys,  who  sending  for  the  Parlia- 
ment Rolls  out  of  the  Tower  upon  special  occasions,  never  returned  them 
again,  for  reasons  best  known  to  themselves  .  .  ."  (Preface,  An  Exact  Abridge- 
ment). 

20.  Repertorie,  p.  23:  in  the  Court  of  Receipt,  "a  bag  of  such  Parliament  Rolles,  as 
were  found  in  the  foure  Treasuries,  and  gathered  and  collected  together,  which 
are  abbreviated  into  a  booke."  There  is  also  reference  to  certain  abridgements 
(pp.  133-134)- 

21.  Powell,  Direction  for  Search  of  Records,  pp.  36-37;  see  also  p.  66:  35.  for  opening 
the  Treasury  door. 

22.  Powell,  Direction  for  Search  of  Records,  p.  54. 

23.  Preface,  An  Exact  Abridgement. 

24.  Foster,  1610, 11,  85, 118, 149  note,  273,  372-373,  378.  Members  went  also  to  the 
treasuries  of  the  Exchequer. 

25.  Ibid.,  n,  372  note. 

26.  Ibid.,  n,  372-373- 

27.  William  Noy  and  William  Hakewill  were  sent  to  search  the  records  [Com- 
mons  Debates  1621, 11, 146  and  note);  John  Selden,  Of  the  Judicature  in  Parliaments 
(London,  1681),  p.  48.  On  the  authorship  of  this  treatise,  see  Foster,  Elsyng, 

pp.  42-45- 

28.  The  case  for  freedom  from  arrest  was  made  in  1626  [Journals  of  the  House  of 
Lords,  III,  558ff.).  In  1628,  John  Selden  produced  "Statutes,  Presidents,  and 
Book-Cases"  (JohnRushworth,H/sfoncfl/Co//ecfio«5  [London,  1659]  1, 51 1-51 2). 

[  217   ] 


29-  Joan  Evans,  A  History  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  (Oxford,  1956),  pp.  7-8; 
Archacologia  or  Miscellaneous  Tracts,  Relating  to  Antiquity,  published  by  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries  of  London,  i  (London,  1770),  iii;  A  Guide  to  a  Select 
Exhibition  oj  Cottonian  Manuscripts  in  Celebration  of  the  Tercentenary  of  the  Death 
of  Sir  Robert  Cotton  6  May  igji  (London,  1931);  C.  E.  Wright,  "The  Ehza- 
bethan  Society  of  Antiquaries  and  the  Formation  of  the  Cottonian  Library," 
in  Francis  Wormald  and  C.  E.  Wright,  The  English  Library  before  1700  (Lon- 
don, 1958),  pp.  182,  191.  Cotton's  first  purchases  for  his  hbrary  were  made  in 
1588  and  continued  until  his  death  in  1631. 

30.  Wormald  and  Wright,  p.  191.  As  early  as  1536,  John  Leland  had  written  to 
Thomas  Cromwell  for  help  in  saving  monastic  books  for  the  Royal  Library. 
Apparently  Leland  was  making  lists  of  manuscripts  and  books  for  the  King 
himself  who  marked  them  for  inclusion  in  his  library  (C.  E.  Wright,  "The 
Dispersal  of  the  Libraries  in  the  Sixteenth  Century,"  in  Wormald  and  Wright, 
pp.  153,  162-163). 

31.  Wormald  and  Wright,  pp.  192-193,  197-199,  211-212.  Sir  Thomas  Wilson 
distrusted  Cotton,  saying  he  would  take  all  he  could  get  (Levi  Fox,  ed., 
English  Historical  Scholarship  in  the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries  [Oxford, 
1956],  pp.  22-23). 

32.  Quoted  by  John  Butt,  "The  Facilities  for  Antiquarian  Study  in  the  Seven- 
teenth Century,"  in  Essays  and  Studies  (The  English  Association),  24  (Oxford, 
1938,  published  1939),  67-68. 

33.  James  Spedding,  ed..  The  Letters  and  the  Life  of  Francis  Bacon  (London,  1861- 
1874),  IV,  49,  54.  After  his  impeachment.  Bacon  was  forbidden  to  come  within 
the  verge  of  the  court,  and  was  thus  excluded  from  this  library  and  access  to 
other  records  he  needed  for  his  History  of  Henry  VII.  To  circumvent  this 
prohibition,  he  obtained  a  license,  on  grounds  of  health  and  the  requirements 
of  his  business  affairs,  to  come  in  or  near  London  (Spedding,  vil,  300-301). 

34.  Wormald  and  Wright,  plate  13. 

35.  The  Autobiography  of  Sir  Simonds  D'Ewes,  i,  268-269,  272,  278,  288,  294-295. 
It  was  in  Cotton's  library  that  he  used  two  manuscript  collections  of  parlia- 
ment for  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  [The  fournals  of  all  the  Parliaments  During  the 
Reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth  [London,  1682],  Preface). 

36.  Harold  Hulme,  The  Life  of  Sir  John  Eliot,  I5g2-i632  (New  York,  1957), 
P-  358. 

37.  The  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons,  i,  296. 

38.  Ibid.,  p.  482.  The  Speaker  wrote  a  letter  to  Cotton  (ibid.,  pp.  483,  491);  for  the 
letter  and  Cotton's  reply,  see  British  Museum  MSS.  Titus  F  iv,  fol.  256;  Inner 
Temple  MSS.  Pctyt  537,  vol.  18,  fols.  50-51. 

39.  House  of  Lords  Record  Office,  Commonplace  Book  of  Francis  Drake. 

40.  Hassall,  Catalogue  of  the  Library  of  Sir  Edward  Coke,  pp.  iv-v,  xii,  xxv-xxvi. 

41.  Ibid.,  pp.  iv-vi,  xii,  xxv-xxvi,  23,  25,  27,  29-30,  31-33,  36-37,  42-43,  58-59. 
Francis  Tate  gave  Coke  a  volume  containing  abstracts  of  the  parliament  roUs 
(May  McKisack,  Medieval  History  in  the  Tudor  Age  [Oxford,  1971],  p.  69). 
Coke  also  owned  manuscript  copies  of  some  of  Dyer's  reports  (G.  D.  G.  Hall, 

[218   ] 


"Impositions  and  the  Courts  1554-1606,"  Law  Quarterly  Review,  69  [1953], 
208  note). 

42.  Hassall,  p.  iii. 

43.  Rushworth,  i,  511-512. 

44.  The  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons,  i,  902. 

45.  Quoted  in  Faith  Thompson,  Magna  Carta:  Its  Role  in  the  Making  of  the  English 
Constitution  i^oo-iSzg  (MinneapoHs,  1948),  p.  311. 

46.  Hassall,  pp.  v-vi. 

47.  The  Court  and  Times  of  fames  the  First  (London,  1848),  n,  289. 

48.  Wormald  and  Wright,  plate  13;  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 

49.  For  a  discussion  of  the  disposition  of  Selden's  library,  see  David  S.  Berkowitz, 
"Projects  for  a  Biography  and  Edition  of  John  Selden's  Works,  1654-1766," 
Quacrendo,  iv/3  (1974),  248-249. 

50.  DeVilliers,  p.  vi;  Spedding,  vii,  332-333- 

51.  Rushworth,  i,  ^10-114;  Journals  of  the  House  of  Lords,  m,  595-609. 

52.  See,  for  example,  the  proceedings  on  April  19,  22,  23,  1628  (British  Museum 
MSS.  Stowe  366).  I  have  benefitted  from  reading  a  chapter  on  the  Petition  of 
Right  in  David  Berkowitz's  forthcoming  book.  Scholar  in  Politics:  The  Life  and 
Times  of  John  Selden. 

53.  Rushworth,  r,  563-564. 

54.  This  is  documented  from  his  correspondence,  information  for  which  I  am 
again  grateful  to  David  Berkowitz. 

55.  Watson,  pp.  18-26. 

56.  Ibid.,  p.  5. 

57.  Ibid.,  pp.  40-45. 

58.  Ibid.,  p.  6. 

59.  Ibid.,  pp.  44-45- 

60.  For  D'Ewes's  parliament  rolls,  see,  ibid.,  pp.  104-106,  163,  287fF. 

61.  Watson,  pp.  44-45.  These  he  loaned  to  Roger  Twysden  while  Twysden  was 
imprisoned  in  Lambeth  Palace  during  the  Civil  War  (ibid.,  p.  44).  D'Ewes's 
material  was  published  after  his  death  by  his  nephew  Paul  Bowes  as  The 
Journals  of  All  the  Parliaments  During  the  Reign  of  Queen  Ehzabcth. 

62.  Watson,  pp.  110-111,  239. 

63.  Ibid.,  pp.  27-28,  249-254,  258,  262.  In  this  he  resembled  George  Thomason. 

64.  Louis  A.  Knafla,  "The  Law  Studies  of  an  Elizabethan  Student,"  Huntington 
Library  Quarterly,  32  (1968-1969),  225-226,  228-229,  236.  Egerton  followed 
the  methodology  of  John  Perkins. 

65.  St.  John's  books  are  at  Lincobi's  Inn.  I  am  grateful  to  Valerie  Pearl  for  this 
information. 

66.  Hassall,  Preface,  p.  xxi;  pp.  30-33. 

67.  Lois  Green  Schwoerer,  "Roger  North  and  His  Notes  on  Legal  Education," 
Huntington  Library  Quarterly,  22  (1958-1959),  338,  340-341;  Roger  North,  A 
Discourse  on  the  Study  of  the  Laws  (London,  1824),  pp.  25-28.  For  a  description 
of  Sir  Matthew  Hale's  commonplacing,  see  Gilbert  Burnet,  The  Lives  of  Sir 

[  219   ] 


Mattheiv  Hale,  Knt.  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  England;  Wilmot,  Earl  of  Rochester;  and 
Queen  Mary  (London,  1774)   p.  11. 

68.  Wilfred  R.  Prest,  The  Inns  of  Court  (London,  1972),  p.  166. 

69.  Books  were  readily  available.  See  Joseph  Henry  Beale,  A  Bibliography  of  Early 
English  Law  Books  (Cambridge,  Mass.,  1926);  H  S.  Bennett,  English  Books  & 
Readers,  1603-1640  (Cambridge,  1970),  pp.  118-127.  For  an  account  of  Sir 
Matthew  Hale's  library,  see  Burnet,  pp.  79,  98-104,  109. 

70.  Maurice  F.  Bond,  "The  Formation  of  the  Archives  of  ParUament  1497-1691," 
Journal  of  the  Society  of  Archivists,  1  (1957),  151-153. 

71.  Bond,  "Archives,"  p.  155. 

72.  Bond,  "Archives,"  p.  156. 

73.  William  Hakewill,  The  Manner  Hoiv  Statutes  Are  Enacted  in  Parliament  by 
Passing  of  Bills  (London,  1659),  Preface. 

74.  Foster,  Elsyng,  pp.  21-35;  Foster,  1610, 1,  xxi-xxx;  xxiv-xliii;  Sheila  Lambert, 
"The  Clerks  and  Records  of  the  House  of  Commons,  1600-1640,"  Bulletin  of 
the  Institute  of  Historical  Research,  43  (1970),  224-227. 

75.  For  a  convenient  list  of  diaries  in  the  early  Stuart  period,  see  Robert  C.  John- 
son, "Parliamentary  Diaries  of  the  Early  Stuart  Period,"  Bulletin  of  the  Institute 
of  Historical  Research,  44  (1971),  293-300.  John  Pym's  diaries  and  those  of  the 
Earl  of  Huntingdon  were  written  up  after  the  day's  proceedings  were  over 
(Commons  Debates  1621,  i,  29,  60;  Foster,  1610,  i,  xxx).  For  a  discussion  of 
"separates,"  newsletters  and  compilations,  see  Wallace  Notestein  and  Frances 
Helen  Relf,  Commons  Debates  for  1629  (Minneapolis,  1921),  pp.  xx-lx. 

76.  Foster,  1610,  i,  xxii. 

77.  Inner  Temple  MSS.,  Petyt  538,  vol.  11. 

78.  Hakewill,  The  Manner  How  Statutes  are  Enacted,  Preface.  Several  additional 
chapters  of  Hakewill's  book  have  now  been  recovered  and  printed;  see  my 
"Speaking  in  the  House  of  Commons,"  Bulletin  of  the  Institute  of  Historical 
Research,  43  (1970),  35,  39-44. 

79.  Lords  Montagu  and  Huntingdon,  for  example.  See  Foster,  "Speaking  in  the 
House  of  Commons,"  p.  37;  Esther  S.  Cope,  "Lord  Montagu  and  His  Journal 
of  the  Short  Parliament,"  Bulletin  of  the  Institute  of  Historical  Research,  46  (1973). 
212-213;  Foster,  1610,  i,  xxxii. 

80.  House  of  Lords  Manuscripts,  x  (new  series),  1712-1714,  ed.  Maurice  F.  Bond 
(London,  1953),  xl-xli. 

81.  Thomas  Jefferson,  A  Manual  of  Parliamentary  Practice,  for  the  Use  of  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  (Lancaster,  1813),  Preface,  p.  6. 

82.  The  phrase  is  borrowed  from  the  lectures  delivered  by  Zechariah  ChafeeJr., 
Hotu  Human  Rights  Got  into  the  Constitution  (Boston,  1952). 


This  article  is  a  revision  of  the  paper  delivered  at  a  meeting  of  the  Philobiblon 
Club  of  Philadelphia,  on  March  18,  1975,  honoring  Charles  W.  David,  scholar 
and  librarian.  Ed.  " 


[   220    ] 


To  "The  Assignation"  from  "The  Visionary' 
(Part  Two) :  The  Revisions 
and  Related  Matters 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  FISHER  IV* 


IV 

EXAMINING  the  overhauling  of  "The  Visionary,"  during 
which  process  it  ultimately  became  what  we  know  as  "The 
Assignation,"  a  less  overtly  sensational  and  more  subtly  artistic  work, 
we  must  first  recognize  a  potential  difficulty  in  separating  serious 
from  comic  features.  Originally  intended  as  fiction  for  the  Folio 
Club,  the  humorous  intentions  of  which  can  never  be  precisely  de- 
termined, the  tale  in  its  final  form  retains  some  ambivalent  elements. 
Contrary  to  the  view  that  passes  easily  over  this  piece  as  little  more 
than  a  hoax  about  the  Moore-Byron  relationship,  which  culminated 
in  the  famous  biographical  labors  of  "Anacreon  Moore,"  I  think  that 
the  revisions  support  just  as  much  sober  as  jocular  intent — if  not  a 
shade  more  of  the  former.^  There  may  be  humor,  nevertheless,  of  a 
sort  hitherto  undetected  by  students.  The  glance  at  Moore  reflects 
Poe's  familiarity  with  the  heated  controversy  engendered  by  the 
Byron  amongst  the  influential  literary  journals  of  the  time,  as  much  as 
a  conscious  desire  to  direct  shafts  of  ridicule  toward  one  whose  works 
so  influenced  his  own.  As  with  "MS.  Found  in  a  Bottle,"  a  pivotal 
position  in  Poe's  career  in  fiction  belongs  to  "The  Assignation." 
Both  of  them  stand  between  the  earliest,  mainly  comic  endeavors  in 
the  Philadelphia  Saturday  Courier  and  those  later  productions  of 
m.aturer,  subtler  artistry.  Therefore  both  these  intermediate  tales 
betray  an  ambivalence;  now  they  veer  toward  the  romantic  or  hor- 
rific, and  again  they  provide  wry  glances  at  the  excesses  to  be  found 
in  such  traditions.^ 

"The  Assignation"  is  probably  Poe's  most  carefully  reworked 
tale,  the  four  appearances  having  been  indicated  earlier  in  my  study 

*  Professor  of  English  at  Hahnemann  Medical  College.  This  essay  is  the  second  in  a 
two-part  study.  The  first  appeared  in  The  Library  Chronicle,  39  (1973),  89-105. 

[  221    ] 


(Part  One,  p.  89).  Turning  to  the  textual  differences,  we  may  discern 
something  of  the  workings  of  his  artistic  mind.  Revision  for  the 
better — ever  Poe's  intent — grows  clearer.  Substantial  changes  occur 
between  the  first  and  second  appearances,  and  the  fmal  version  of 
1845  further  reveals  his  practices.  He  adjusts  mechanics,  trains  his 
eye  upon  tightening  the  general  structure,  thinks  more  carefully 
about  his  characters,  intensifies  the  dramatic  qualities  of  the  piece, 
creates  more  poetic  prose,  and,  overall,  moves  beyond  the  Gothic. 
He  also  more  deftly  integrates  various  literary  sources  or  inspirations, 
at  which  we  must  intermittently  glance.^ 

The  title  becomes  "The  Assignation"  only  in  the  last  appearance, 
a  significant  change,  albeit  one  that  misleads  some  readers.  Poe's 
revulsion  from  the  feminine,  sentimental  fiction  more  and  more 
predominant  in  the  1840's  and  his  reaction  against  those  particularly 
sentimental  contributors  to  Graham's,  the  ladies  Embury  and  Ste- 
phens, probably  accounts  in  some  measure  for  this  altered  title."* 
"The  Visionary"  is  fairly  tame  in  import,  but  in  our  narrator's 
framework  an  assignation  brings  down  to  earth  and  gives  a  more 
physical,  sensational  connotation  to  this  drama  of  intense  love  and  ro- 
mantic passion.  Alice  Chandler  charts  Poe's  changing  attitude  toward 
his  dreamers;  eventually  his  opinion  toward  his  earlier,  avowedly 
experimental  ventures  in  fiction  also  changed.  A  title  like  "The 
Assignation"  is  calculated  to  catch  the  eyes  of  the  average  magazine 
readers,  who  comprised  no  mean  part  of  Poe's  audience.^  Despite 
reaching  out  for  the  most  immediate  public,  he  also  wrote  for  those 
who  could  comprehend  his  more  romantic  thrust,  that  is,  for  readers 
who  would  respond  to  the  ideal  of  love  in  this  tale  as  being  some- 
thing too  rarified  for  survival  in  an  everyday  world.  The  customary 
interpretation  of  an  assignation  implies  illicit  love,  but  it  may  also 
mean  something  assigned,  and  the  feelings  of  the  Marchesa  and 
her  mysterious  lover  assign  them  to  death,  where  their  relation- 
ship will  not  depend  upon  society's  laws. 

Epigraphs  from  Schiller  and  Goethe,  cribbed  from  American 
translations,  appear  in  the  1834  text.^  Eliminating  them  and  sub- 
stituting the  English  verse  of  Henry  King  also  leads  away  from  the 
onus  of  "Germanism"  levelled  at  much  of  Poe's  fiction,  indicated  in 
his  letters  and  the  notices  on  the  covers  of  The  Southern  Literary 
Messenger  during  his  association  with  that  periodical.  His  most  ex- 

[  222  ] 


plicit  statement  about  this  matter  occurs  in  the  preface  to  Tales  of  the 
Grotesque  and  Arabesque,  in  which  he  maintains  that  "terror  is  not  of 
Germany,  but  of  the  soul."  Worth  quoting  here,  too,  is  another 
statement  from  that  preface:  "These  brief  compositions  are,  in  chief 
part,  the  resuks  of  matured  purpose  and  very  careful  elaboration." 
This  intent  and  fashioning  are  all  too  evident  in  "The  Assignation," 
and  the  motto  chosen — as  if  Poe  was  well  aware  of  the  nuance  for  the 
second  and  subsequent  versions — reveals  how  sensitive  was  this 
young  fictionist  to  unpleasant  criticism.  Also,  a  German  motto  is 
anomalous  in  a  Venetian  tale,  and  probably  the  visionary  himself 
would  be  more  readily  familiar  with  King's  English  lines  which  he 
speaks  toward  the  close  than  with  German  verses.  Repeating  the 
words  of  Bishop  King  late  in  the  tale  unifies  more  tightly  the  begin- 
ning and  end,  thus  achieving  artistic  unity  of  effect.  Poe's  censure  of 
Mrs.  Sigourney  and  Mrs,  Hemans  for  mottoes  that  did  not  point  the 
way  into  the  succeeding  portions  of  poems  is  supportive  testimony 
for  his  own  conscious  art  (SLM,  2  [1835-36],  113). 

Removing  the  first  two  paragraphs  that  appeared  in  Godeys, 
wherein  the  narrator  rhapsodizes,  verbosely,  about  concealing  his 
"hero's"  name,  cuts  flaccidity  from  and  increases  suspense  in  the 
opening,  a  practice  typical  in  Poe's  revisions,  as  demonstrated  by 
like  attention  to  the  beginnings  of  "Metzengerstein"  and  "Berenice.'"^ 
The  new  beginning — "Ill-fated  and  mysterious  man!" — substitutes 
for  a  flabby  passive  voice  an  abrupt  plunge  into  intense  emotionalism, 
resembling  the  charged  opening  of  "The  Cask  of  Amontillado,"  and 
provides  an  illustration  for  Poe's  later  declaration  that  from  first  to 
last  no  word  should  be  extraneous  in  a  fine  tale.  Hence,  as  with  the 
greater  integration  resultant  in  the  new  motto,  here  is  an  additional 
turn  of  the  structural  winch,  so  to  speak.  We  later  realize  how  mys- 
terious and  ill-fated  the  stranger  is,  when  the  narrator's  final  sentence 
strikes  us  with  as  much  force  as  the  "truth"  does  when  it  flashes  upon 
him.  For  the  1840  text  Poe  drew  into  a  single,  longer  paragraph 
what  had  comprised  the  first  two  in  the  earliest  state  and  thereby 
tightened  even  more  the  loose  opening.  Such  advancing  maturity  is 
also  evident  in  regularizing  the  spelling  of  "surprise,"  which  inter- 
mittently had  had  a  z,  and  in  attending  to  a  broken  type  that  had 
produced  a  potential  period  for  a  comma  after  "But  just  now,  to  be 
sure,"  whereby  a  clearer  reading  text  results  (F:  95).  Careful  atten- 

[  223   ] 


tion  to  this  and  nearby  passages  produces  a  larger,  more  coherent 
unit  than  the  first  series  of  short,  jerky  paragraphs.^ 

Other  pruning  refnies  such  sections  as  that  describing  the  hero. 
What  read  in  1834  as  "a  nose  hke  those  deHcate  creations  of  the  mind 
to  be  found  only  in  the  medallions  of  the  Hebrew,  full  eyes,"  is  much 
improved  as  "singular,  wild,  full,  liquid  eyes."  Emphasis,  properly, 
shifts  to  the  eyes  of  the  visionary  hero,  whence  so  much  enchant- 
ment surges  toward  his  beloved.^  The  eye  as  window  of  the  soul  is 
stressed  in  this  reduction.  Other  important  deletions  clearly  distin- 
guish the  experienced  from  the  youthful  Poe.  For  instance,  the 
parenthetical  remark,  "(here  the  pallor  of  death  rapidly  overspread 
his  countenance,  and  as  rapidly  passed  away),"  which  might  dimin- 
ish the  stature  of  the  hero  and  too  clumsily  foreshadow  the  suicides, 
is  omitted,  and  the  dialogue  also  gains  from  this  change.  Another 
reduced  awkwardness  relates  to  details  in  the  portrait  of  the  Mar- 
chesa.  Eliminating  "On  a  scroll  which  lay  at  her  feet  were  these 
words — 'I  am  waiting  but  for  thee'  "  ousts  both  premature  dis- 
closure and  the  twattle  of  sentimental  rhetoric  so  usual  in  Godey's.'^^ 
A  fmal  excision  improving  the  sense  while  minimizing  verbiage 
concerns  the  narrator's  initial  survey  of  his  host's  chambers.  He 
mentions  music,  in  1834,  "whose  unseen  origin  undoubtedly  lay  in 
the  recesses  of  the  red  coral  trellice-work  which  tapestried  the  ceil- 
ing." Deleting  "unseen"  and  substituting  after  origin  "was  not  to  be 
discovered"  persuades  us  aurally,  not  visually,  because  of  a  greater 
precision  in  the  passage.  Like  Keats,  Poe  could  employ  sensory  sug- 
gestion with  keen  accuracy. 

The  characters  change  because  of  revision,  growing  into  more 
credible  emotional  personages  from  typical  periodical  cardboard. 
With  such  additional  plausibility,  a  dramatic  aura  accrues.  Despite 
Poe's  potential  ridicule  of  current  romantic  trends  by  making  his 
persons  so  much  like  sculptured  statues,  we  may  just  as  reasonably 
suppose  that  he  did  not  intend  them  solely  for  conscious  hoaxing. 
In  "The  Poetic  Principle"  he  employs  materials  of  the  same  sort  to 
demonstrate  the  ideality  in  the  poetic  impulse,  and  he  quotes  E.  C. 
Pinkney's  "Health,"  in  which  an  idealized  woman  is  likened  to  a 
statue  in  serious  terms.  Furthermore,  his  knowledge  of  A.  W. 
Schlegel's  Lectures  on  Dramatic  Art  and  Literature,  which  has  been  seen 
by  at  least  one  critic  as  a  basis  for  his  romantic  irony,  provides  keys 

[  224  ] 


to  diminish  that  very  quahty  in  the  artiness  of  "The  Assignation."^^ 
I  do  not  deny  some  comic  elements  within  the  tale,  but  rather  stress 
that  they  are  not  major  in  the  statue-like  makeup  of  the  principals. 
Schlegel  states  that  tragic  characters  were  always  beautiful  and  com- 
pares them  to  ancient  statues  come  to  life.  These  figures,  he  adds, 
could  be  nude  or  scantily  clad  in  sculpture,  but  on  stage  they  had  of 
necessity  to  be  fully  clothed  (i :  67-68).  In  tragedy  the  manners  were 
always  elevated  above  reality,  and  every  person  was  invested  with 
such  portion  of  dignity  and  grandeur  as  was  compatible  with  the 
share  which  he  possessed  in  the  action  (1:  72).  These  theories  seem 
reasonably  applicable  to  Poe's  tale  as  a  far  more  idealistic  or  serious 
work  than  casual  readings  might  reveal,  but  several  more  Schlegelian 
pronouncements  on  the  tragic  mode  reinforce  the  argument.  Al- 
though the  New  Comedy  mixes  sobriety  with  mirth,  the  tragic 
alone  runs  into  realms  of  the  infinite,  creating  a  great  struggle  be- 
tween the  finite  and  spiritual  existence,  which  is  precisely  the  prime 
concern  of  Poe's  hero,  other  qualities  yielding  entirely  to  it  (which 
features  also  strikingly  adumbrate  the  tension  in  Eureka).  Schlegel 
assures  us  that  the  subdued  seriousness  of  the  New  Comedy  "remains 
always  within  the  circle  of  experience"  (1:  235-236).  Finally,  if  the 
writer  allows  his  characters  too  much  dignity  or  elicits  too  deep  an 
interest  in  their  fate,  which  is  just  what  Poe  does,  "an  entrance  will 
infallibly  be  given  to  seriousness,"  according  to  Schlegel,  who  con- 
cludes that,  to  maintain  the  comic,  the  writer  "must  always  range 
within  the  province  of  the  understanding"  and  must  keep  his  char- 
acters mere  physical  beings  (1:  248),  as  Poe  in  revising  "The  Vision- 
ary" into  "The  Assignation"  most  assuredly  does  not. 

The  statues  may  betray  additional  Byronism  coursing  through 
Poe's  imagination;  despite  a  protest  to  the  contrary  in  a  letter  to 
John  Allan  (May  1829),  Poe  maintained  an  unabated  interest  in  that 
poet's  life  and  work  for  years  afterward,  as  revealed,  for  example,  by 
"Byron  and  Miss  Chaworth,"  in  the  Columbian  Magazine  (December 
1844).  Therefore,  he  may  do  more  than  "quiz"  the  great  love  affair 
of  his  poetic  mentor  with  the  Countess  Guiccioli  via  "The  Assigna- 
tion." Byron's  own  productions  frequently  incorporate  statuary,  and 
that  very  trait  may  have  captured  Poe's  imagination  as  he  planned 
and  replanned  his  fictional  rendering  of  the  "life."  Poe  certainly 
employed  terms  from  other  arts,  such  as  painting  and  sculpture,  in 

[  225  ] 


his  critical  writings,  and  sculpture  seems  ever  to  have  held  a  compel- 
ling interest  for  him. 

Poe's  imagination  might  also  have  incorporated  materials  from 
another  source  centering  upon  statuary,  Henry  Hart  Milman's  poem 
"The  Belvidere  Apollo,"  dating  from  1812.  The  speaker  beholds  the 
famous  statue,  so  like  Byron  himself  according  to  familiar  lore,  and 
comments  not  just  upon  its  lifelike  expression,  but  writes  that  "the 
cold  marble  leapt  to  life,"  and  that  the  statue  is  "breathing  stone," 
a  vitality  akin  to  the  Marchesa  Aphrodite,  another  statue  come  to 
life.  This  Apollo,  like  the  visionary,  possesses  a  commanding  eye, 
framed  by  the  "rich  luxuriance  of  his  hair,  confmed  in  graceful 
ringlets."  A  maiden  who  gazes  upon  the  haughty,  if  beauteous 
features  of  this  statue  ultimately  dies  as  a  result  of  her  entrancing 
vision.  Before  dying,  though,  she  blushes  and  hesitates  in  the  pres- 
ence of  her  marble  "lover,"  just  as  Poe's  Marchesa  does  when  he 
saves  the  baby.  Other  specific  comparisons  between  poem  and  tale 
occur  below  in  relevant  analyses. ^^ 

Even  so  comic  a  poem  as  Don  Juan,  not  one  of  Poe's  great  favorites 
in  the  Byron  corpus,  recalls  the  legend  of  a  statue  heralding  death  in 
awesome  rather  than  funny  terms.  Thus,  I  give  as  much  credence  to 
serious  as  to  comic  direction,  no  matter  what  whimsy  originally 
underlay  "The  Visionary"  as  a  tale  of  the  Folio  Club.  Adducing 
soberer  intent  on  Poe's  part  as  he  reconsidered  the  tale,  we  may 
notice  the  change  in  the  Marchesa's  name  from  Bianca  to  Aphrodite, 
which  occurred  between  1834  and  1835.  Most  obviously  it  endows 
the  young  heroine  with  all  the  vibrant  appeal  and  capacity  for  pas- 
sionate love  associated  with  the  great  classical  goddess,  famous  in 
Poe's  day  because  of  the  statuary  representing  her.  As  with  the  title 
change,  this  new  name  heightens  the  theme,  which  betterment  could 
not  be  accomplished  by  a  heroine  with  the  name  of  the  gentle  sister 
from  The  Taming  of  the  Shrew,  the  garrulous  old  servant  in  The 
Castle  of  Otranto,  and  a  character  from  yet  another  work  probably 
familiar  to  Poe,  Milman's  Fazio,  or  The  Italian  Wife.  In  this  tragedy 
the  young  heroine,  Bianca,  is  responsible  for  the  death  of  her  young 
husband.  Significantly,  his  adversary  is  an  old  man.  A  revival  of  this 
play  received  comment  (with  extensive  extracts  from  it)  in  The 
American  Monthly  Magazine  at  about  the  same  time  Willis  reviewed 
Moore's  Byron,  which  notice  of  the  Byron  attracted  Poe.  Knowing 

[  226  ] 


how  like  a  fishnet  his  imaginative  powers  were,  one  can  easily  be- 
lieve that  this  article,  if  not  Fazio  itself,  stimulated  in  some  measure 
his  own  tragic  Italian  Tale  of  an  ominous  old  husband  versus  an 
entrancing  young  man.^-' 

Conscious  procedure  in  textual  alterations  relevant  to  the  statuary 
also  lies  behind  the  hero's  exhortation  to  the  listener-narrator  on 
behalf  of  Canova's  Venus  as  opposed  to  that  of  the  Medici,  whose 
legendary  fair  complexion  our  "Byron"  so  adamantly  dislikes.  Con- 
trast is  strengthened  in  1 840  by  a  change  that  centers  our  attention  on 
the  features  and  not  the  sculptural  techniques  of  this  lesser  Venus. 
She  is  not  so  beautiful,  because  of  the  too  evident  artificiality  in 
restorations,  as  Poe's  hero  would  wish  his  beloved  to  be  (as  a  living 
Venus  Aphrodite).  The  Venus  originally  held  a  child  in  one  arin, 
and  the  baby  in  the  story  (Theresa  Guiccioli  had  none)  may  serve 
to  point  up  the  relation  of  Poe's  Aphrodite  and  classical  myth.  Also, 
according  to  legend.  Aphrodite  is  the  wife  of  old  and  ugly  Hephae- 
stus, to  whom  she  is  unfaithful.  Eros-Cupid  is  her  illegitimate  son. 
The  deprecation  of  the  Apollo  Belvedere,  to  whose  features  Byron's 
were  often  compared,  may  also  indicate  a  discriminating,  if  covert, 
art  critique.  Poe  brings  to  the  fore  a  second  "darker"  art  figure,  that 
of  Antinous,  to  elicit  approbation  from  his  real-life  counterpart 
fictionalized  in  the  tale,  because  the  famous  Belvedere  statue  lacks 
genuine  felicitousness  between  conception  and  completed  work. 
Furthermore,  the  hero's  countering  the  contemporaneous  enthusi- 
asm for  both  the  familiar  Venus  and  Apollo  enhances  the  Byronic 
traits  of,  or,  more  generally,  reinforces  the  isolation  of  the  visionary 
as  he  relates  to  the  outer  world;  deprecating  the  famed  statue  may 
also  be  a  deliberate  lead  away  from  the  Milman  poem.  The  Canova 
reference  came  into  the  1845  text,  and  Poe's  own  admiration  for 
that  sculptor  probably  waxed  over  the  years,  notwithstanding  Byron's 
comment  cited  by  Benton,  if  we  weigh  the  evidence  of  more 
frequent  notices  of  Canova  in  Poe's  other  writings. ^"^ 

That  his  bent  was  to  point  up  the  romantic  Sehnsucht,  or  yearn- 
ing after  a  supernal  ideal  (not  an  uncommon  trait  in  his  characters), 
through  the  statuesque  traits  of  the  lovers,  as  well  as  through  the 
other  art  work  in  the  tale,  is  not  to  be  doubted.  Rather  like  Haw- 
thorne, who  spent  a  lifelong  quest  in  trying  to  connect  the  real  and 
ideal  worlds  by  means  of  mirror  concepts  in  his  fiction,^  ^  the  hero  in 

[  ^27  ] 


"The  Assignation"  attempts  to  bridge  the  same  chasm.  I  think  that 
Poe  himself  attempted  to  build  that  bridge  by  pressing  close  the 
art-humanity  relationships  in  his  tale.  Like  those  on  Keats's  Grecian 
urn,  the  art  figures  in  the  fiction  intimate  a  desire  to  resist  the  on- 
slaught of  time.  Unlike  Keats's  relief  personae,  however,  Poe's  char- 
acters depart  from  their  frozen  states  and  in  consequence  move 
(fairly  rapidly  thereafter)  toward  death.  They  also  demonstrate  that 
a  statue  may  house  a  soul — a  legendary  concept — and  not  be  solely 
lifeless  and  unfeeling.  ^^  Apollo  is  after  all  a  god  of  divination  and  the 
arts.  Then  too,  as  the  sun  god  he  is  handsome,  but  his  love  affairs  are 
troubled.  Poe's  hero  needs  little  adjustment  to  fit  this  description. 
The  quotation  from  Chapman's  Bussy  D'Ambois,  wherein  the  hero's 
predicament  makes  him  a  close  literary  relative  of  our  "Byron," 
affords  yet  greater  reason  to  suppose  that  tragedy  was  uppermost  in 
Poe's  consciousness.  With  this  Jacobean  tragedy  actually  present 
in  Poe's  tale,  and  the  earlier  play,  Romeo  and  Juliet,  certainly  hovering 
in  the  background,  can  we  strongly  doubt  a  decided  tragic-romantic 
slant  in  "The  Assignation"?  So  much,  then,  for  the  dismissal  of 
artistry  and  "ineffables"  as  only  hoaxes  and  jokeses  here;  plainly,  a 
soberer  reading  of  the  art-life  mixture  must  be  entertained. 

Romantic,  "straight,"  visionary  traits  are  emphasized  elsewhere 
than  in  the  hero.  Poe  alters  the  introduction  of  the  Marchesa  to 
direct  attention  upon  her  eyes,  as  he  did  in  delineating  her  lover.  An 
assignation  this  pair  may  enjoy,  but  theirs  will  be  no  earthly  union. 
As  he  muted  other  features  in  the  hero,  so  Poe  inserts  after  "Her  lip — 
her  beautiful  lip  trembles,"  this  passage:  "tears  are  gathering  in  her 
eyes — those  eyes  which,  like  Pliny's  own  Acanthus  [1845  drops 
"own"],  are  'soft  and  almost  liquid.'  Yes!  tears  are  gathering  in  those 
eyes — and  see!"  which  phrase  dovetails  more  felicitously  with  "the 
entire  woman  thrills  throughout  the  soul,  and  the  statue  has  started 
into  life!"  Like  her  lover's,  the  Marchesa's  eyes,  more  than  any  other 
means  of  persuasion,  cause  us  to  watch  her  come  alive.  Again,  they 
occupy  the  narrator's  attention — and  their  creator's — when  they 
grow  "wild"  instead  of  merely  "large."^^  Her  imprisoning  marriage 
accounts  for  this  wildness,  which  will  obtrude  itself  with  little  heed 
for  consequences.  These  statue-like  lovers  weep,  and  thus  grow 
much  more  human  than  marmoreal;  no  statue  has  wild,  although 
many  possess  large,  eyes.  Another  of  these  touches  redefines  the 

[  228  ] 


"stranger"  as  a  "deliverer,"  thereby  imparting  to  him  a  more  dra- 
matically fitting  dimension.  That  the  couple  love  too  deeply  to  exist 
in  this  world  is  attested  in  the  quivering  of  "her  delicate"  rather  than 
"the  entire  frame."  Like  the  wind  and  flowers,  the  Marchesa  cannot 
be  other  than  mortal,  cannot  choose  but  die  young.  Directing  us  to 
her  "tiny"^e^  instead  of  her  slippers  further  increases  our  sense  of  her 
delicateness.  She  is  characterized  alternately  by  definite  detail  and 
by  generality,  in  which  reinforcement  of  intangibility  we  witness 
the  soul  of  love,  and  not  sensational  sexuality,  on  stage  before  us. 
The  difficulties  inextricable  from  this  bond  are  those  soon  to  be- 
come staple  in  Poe's  stories  of  love  and  marriage,  and  in  this  vein 
"The  Assignation"  is  a  pioneer  effort.  Thence  we  go  to  such  subse- 
quent endeavors  as  "Ligeia"  or  "Eleonora."^^ 

Additional  precision  in  characterization  may  be  ascertained  in 
scanning  revisions.  The  Marchesa  assumes  greater  emotional  and 
personal  quality  when  her  words  are  uttered  "hurriedly  in  bidding 
him  adieu,"  enlivening  the  trite,  general  "and  departed."  Likewise, 
giving  her  "reason"  instead  of  "cause"  for  blushing  adds  psycho- 
logical substance  to  the  revelation  of  her  love.  That  attraction  grows 
more  dramatic,  too,  as  Poe  reworks  her  declarations: 

"Thou  hast  conquered,"  she  said,  "Thou  hast  conquered — "  she  said, 
or  the  murmurs  of  the  water  de-  or  the  murmurs  of  the  water  de- 
ceived me — "thou  hast  conquered,  ceived  me — "thou  hast  conquered 
one  hour  after  sun-rise — let  it  be."  — one  hour  after  sunrise — we  shall 
(1834)  meet — so  let  it  be!"  (1845) 

Clarity  and  forcibleness  enter  with  the  restructured,  imperative  syn- 
tax. The  inserted  "so"  invigorates  the  speech,  and  contributes  strength 
to  the  dainty  lady's  feelings,  making  her  more  credible  than  the 
usual  Godey's  heroine. 

Like  his  mistress,  the  hero  is  more  clearly  realized  through  the 
textual  evolution.  His  hair  ceases  to  be  merely  "glossy"  and,  perhaps 
a  la  Milman's  "Belvidere,"  becomes  a  more  dramatically  visual 
"curling."  A  greater  figure  also  emerges  with  a  forehead  "of  unusual 
breadth"  instead  of  one  "rather  low  than  otherwise."  Along  with 
those  compelling  eyes,  already  noted,  this  lofty  brow  distinguishes 
him,  phrenologically,  as  one  of  unmistakably  exceptional  ideality, 
suitable  to  one  in  whom  dream  and  actuality  blend  curiously. ^^  The 

[  229  ] 


entire  personality  of  the  hero  veers  away  from  traditional  Gothicism 
in  changing  what  might  in  1834  be  a  sneer  of  one  obviously  con- 
trolling his  guest's  responses,  and  moves  instead  toward  the  tran- 
scendental realms  viewed  by  another  visionary,  the  narrator  of 
Eureka. 

As  in  that  work,  a  comic  shading  cannot  be  overlooked  in  "The 
Assignation,"  although  the  precise  nature  of  the  comic  in  either  one 
is  difficult  to  pin  down.  In  remodelling  the  stranger's  words  about 
laughing  and  its  significance,  Poe  may  not  have  been  single-minded. 
The  revision  accompanies  the  original  below  to  expedite  the  reader's 
understanding: 

"Ha!  ha!  ha!"  laughed  the  proprietor,  pointing  me  to  a  seat,  and 
throwing  himself  back  upon  an  Ottoman.  There  was,  I  thought,  a  tincture 
of  bitterness  in  the  laugh,  and  I  could  not  immediately  reconcile  myself  to 
the  hienseance  of  so  singular  a  welcome. 

"Ha!  ha!  ha! — ha!  ha!  ha!"  continued  he.  "I  see  you  are  surprised  at  my 
apartment — my  statues — my  pictures — my  originality  of  conception  in 
architecture — in  upholstery;  absolutely  drunk  with  my  magnificence!  Ha! 
ha!  ha!  pardon  me;  my  dear  sir,  pardon  me — I  must  laugh  or  die — perhaps 
both,"  continued  he,  after  a  pause.  "Do  you  know,  however,"  said  he 
musingly  [then  follows  the  passage  about  the  altar  of  laughter  at  Sparta]. 
(1834) 

"Ha!  ha!  ha! — ha!  ha!  ha!"  laughed  the  proprietor,  motioning  me  to  a 
seat,  and  throwing  himself  back  at  full  length  upon  an  ottoman.  "I  see," 
said  he,  perceiving  that  I  could  not  immediately  reconcile  myself  to  the 
hienseance  of  so  singular  a  welcome — "I  see  you  are  astonished  at  my 
apartment — at  my  statues — my  pictures — my  originality  of  conception  in 
architecture  and  upholstery — absolutely  drunk,  eh?  with  my  magnifi- 
cence. But  pardon  me,  my  dear  sir,  (here  his  tone  of  voice  dropped  to  the 
very  spirit  of  cordiality)  pardon  me,  my  dear  sir,  for  my  uncharitable 
laughter.  You  appeared  so  utterly  astonished.  Besides,  some  things  are  so 
completely  ludicrous  that  a  man  must  laugh  or  die.  To  die  laughing  must 
be  the  most  glorious  of  glorious  deaths!  Sir  Thomas  More — a  very  fine 
man  was  Sir  Thomas  More — Sir  Thomas  More  died  laughing,  you  re- 
member. Also  there  is  a  long  list  of  characters  who  came  to  the  same  mag- 
nificent end,  in  the  Absurdities  of  Ravisius  Textor."  (1835)  [1840  &  1845: 
insert  a  comma  after  cordiality] 

Richard  P.  Benton's  examination  of  the  1845  text  leads  him  to 
conclude  that  Poe  had  uppermost  in  mind  a  sly  reference  to  Thomas 

[  230  ] 


Moore  in  the  mention  of  More,  and  many  subsequent  commentators 
have  unquestioningly  agreed  with  his  view.  That  Poe  may  have 
partially  insinuated  a  gibe  at  Moore  as  biographer,  no  one  would 
deny.  That  other  forces  may  have  been  equally  at  work  in  his 
imagination  is  also  borne  out,  particularly  if  we  notice  several  items 
that  he  might  have  read  during  these  years,  or  if  we  remember  just 
how  his  jocularity  cropped  up  in  other  tales.  Poe's  attitude  toward 
Byron  and  Byronism  was  ambivalent,  and  I  suspect  that  much  more 
of  this  divided  opinion  is  present  in  "The  Assignation"  than  is 
usually  detected.2° 

First,  I  glance  at  the  More-Moore  parallel.  Perhaps  Mr.  Convol- 
vulus Gondola,  who,  according  to  those  centering  on  the  plan  of  the 
Folio  Club,  narrates  the  tale,  does  exist  to  poke  fun  at  Moore.  Why, 
then,  would  Poe  not  bring  this  jest  to  the  fore  in  the  Godey's  appear- 
ance? I  suggest  that  Moore  as  dupe  was  not  Poe's  primary  intent,  and 
I  believe  also  that  he  knew  accounts  of  Sir  Thomas  More  that  led  to 
his  revision.  If  "The  Visionary"  was  originally  composed  prior  to 
1833,  then  Poe  may  have  changed  it  but  scantily  when  preparing  it 
for  Godey's.  We  can  be  none  too  certain  about  the  chronology  in 
composition  of  these  early  pieces,  but  we  can  be  clearer  about  Poe's 
acquaintance  with  the  reputed  wit  and  merriment  of  Sir  Thomas 
More.  In  Isaac  Disraeli's  writings,  all  dating  prior  to  the  tale,  with 
which  Poe  was  familiar,  the  martyr's  jolly  propensities  are  cited  on 
several  occasions.  We  learn  in  one  instance  that  he  "has  something 
ludicrous  in  his  aspect,  tending  to  a  smile  .  .  .  and  that  he  was  more 
inclined  to  pleasure  and  jesting  than  to  the  gravity."  We  also  dis- 
cover in  Disraeli  accounts  of  More's  o-ood  humor  as  he  went  to  the 
scaffold  and  spoke  with  his  executioner.  Furthermore,  Sir  Thomas 
often  presented  a  solemn  exterior  just  when  he  intended  to  jest,  and 
his  humorous  disposition  was  at  times  "singular,"  at  others  "ludi- 
crous." Poe  unmistakably  echoes  these  words  and  phrases  in  the  tale, 
and  his  knowledge  of  the  Curiosities,  Calamities,  The  Literary  Char- 
acter, and  other  Disraeli  works  is  evident  in  such  places  as  his  notice  of 
Morris  Mattson's  Paul  Ulric  (H.8:  204)  and  a  sly  reference  in  "Pina- 
kidia"  to  those  plagiarizing  from  Disraeli's  encyclopedic  types  of 
publication  (H.14:  39). 

Another  sketch,  "Sir  Thomas  More,"  actually  appeared  in  Godeys 
before  the  publication  of  "The  Visionary."  We  learn  there  that  not 

[  231  ] 


only  is  the  saint's  comic  attitude  toward  his  death  emphatic,  but  that 
"these  witticisms  have  so  repeatedly  run  the  gauntlet  of  all  the 
jest-books,"  and  a  repetition  of  such  material  would  be  supereroga- 
tory. We  might  suppose  that  this  sketch  did  not  influence  Poe,  but 
another  in  the  same  issue  reinforces  surety  that  he  paid  greater  than 
casual  attention  to  this  material.  "Persepolis.  A  Fragment"  is  related 
by  a  "Visionary,"  who  contemplates  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  city  and 
imaginatively  recreates  the  scene  as  it  should  have  been,  to  para- 
phrase Poe's  own  phraseology.  Further  echoes  sound  in  his  language: 
an  altar  "blazes,"  he  hears  music  and  other  sounds  resembling  those 
of  garments  rustling  over  marble  pavements,  and  he  scrutinizes  the 
wealth  of  statuary.  He  notices  temple  hieroglyphics  about  the  sun, 
and,  most  significantly,  he  remarks  that  the  temple  walls  were 
"adorned  with  rich  and  grotesque  friezes."  That  the  temples  of 
Persepolis  recalled  in  "The  Assignation"  were  not  so  comically  in- 
tended as  might  be  superficially  supposed  is  substantiated  if  we  allow 
that  Poe,  coming  upon  this  sketch,  altered  his  original  temples  of 
"Cybele,"  of  which  more  later.  A  final  source  possibility  is,  ines- 
capably, Macaulay's  review  of  Southey's  Colloquies,  which,  along 
with  his  notice  of  Moore's  Byron,  Poe  certainly  knew  (H.13:  198- 
199). 2^  Macaulay  contrasts  More's  humor  with  Southey's  dull  wit, 
but  more  important  are  two  printer's  errors  that  spell  More  as 
Moore.  Given  Poe's  interest  in  Macaulay,  he  probably  saw  these 
mistakes  and  was  in  turn  inspired  to  revise  his  tale.  Of  course,  he  may 
have  intended  to  point  up  comedy  in  the  tale  for  the  growing 
scheme  of  the  Folio  Club,  mentioned  in  his  letter  of  September  2, 
1836,  to  Harrison  Hall  (O.:  103-105),  although  such  a  plan  cannot 
be  unshakably  determined. 

Humor  of  another  sort  occurs  in  the  expanded  passage  above,  a 
type  of  wordplay  that  has  gone  largely  unnoticed.  Can  it  be  acci- 
dental that  in  an  encounter  between  a  "drunken"  narrator  and  his 
sardonic  host,  Poe  carefully  inserts  the  "very  spirit  of  cordiality"? 
Earlier,  this  same  host  greeted  his  guest  with  "a  great  apparent  show 
of  cordiality,"  and  shortly  he  was  to  press  a  cup — or  more — of  wine 
upon  him.  Not  disingenuously  do  the  recurring  "pourings"  resound 
throughout  the  tale,  if  we  examine  it  thoughtfully.  Such  punning 
about  wine  and  drinking  must  be  a  carry-over  from  the  context  of 
the  Folio  Club,  wherein  the  tales  were  presented  and  criticism  prof- 

[  232  ] 


fered  over  abundant  food  and  drink.  The  narrator  who  introduces 
the  group  tells  us  that  he  was  welcomed  "with  a  great  show  of 
cordiality,"  but  such  phraseology  may  be  double-edged.  Many  of 
the  other  earlier  tales  contain  covert  puns  about  wine  and  drinking, 
most  readily  attested  by  "MS.  Found  in  a  Bottle"  (whose — that 
from  the  sea  or  one  from  the  Club's  table!),  "Lionizing,"  "King 
Pest,"  and  "Bon-Bon,"  although  that  undercurrent  persists  with 
none-too-comic  associations  elsewhere,  as  in  "The  Cask  of  Amon- 
tillado" and  "Hop-Frog."  Given  the  visionary's  suicide  by  poisoned 
wine  in  "The  Assignation,"  a  more  mordant  flavor  than  is  often 
given  currency  may  spice  this  fiction.^^ 

The  situation  between  narrator  and  host  grows  more  complicated 
if  we  remember  that,  after  entering  the  dazzling  apartment,  our  tale- 
teller betrays  his  untrustworthiness  in  factual  matters.  Gales  of  laugh- 
ter notwithstanding,  the  hero's  recital  is  not  entirely  funny.  Poe 
himself  stated  that  he  intended  many  of  the  earlier  tales  for  "half 
banter,  half  satire,"  but  he  does  not  rule  out  possibilities  for  more 
serious  matter.  If  Thomas  More  does  direct  us  to  Thomas  Moore,  we 
must  remember  that,  although  the  latter  did  enjoy  a  reputation  for 
producing  amatory  and  Bacchic  verse,  he  also  was  reputed  a  de- 
lineator of  sentimental,  often  tragic,  love.  Either  side  of  the  coin  is 
applicable  to  Poe's  tale.  Mabbott  calls  attention  to  an  echo  of  Moore's 
"One  Bumper  at  Parting"  in  "To  One  in  Paradise,"  but  additional 
parallels  seem  evident.  The  parting  cup,  the  hero's  repeated  use  of 
"bumper,"  time's  swift  passage  amidst  pleasure,  and  great  emotional 
loss  are  common,  shared  features.  Even  with  a  potential  comic  over- 
plot,  "The  Assignation"  has  darker  regions,  and  they  may  be  intensi- 
fied by  the  Byron-Moore  connection.^^ 

Perceiving  the  dumb  astonishment  of  his  visitor,  the  host,  in  genu- 
ine Gothic-Byronic  fashion,  mocks  him  and  immediately  repents  his 
brash  levity.  Thus  the  too-revealing  "I  must  laugh  or  die — perhaps 
both"  of  1834  disappears.  More  expressive  of  the  hero's  Sehnsucht 
and  of  his  particular  amorous  circumstances  is  "Besides,  some  things 
are  so  completely  ludicrous  that  a  man  must  laugh  or  die."  Parodic 
though  this  revised  section  may  sound  (for  upon  its  heels  follow  the 
words  on  More),  it  can  also  express  a  different  sort  of  absurdity.  The 
hero's  love  is  an  impossible  matter  while  he  lives,  he  can  only  really 
"live"  if  his  paramour  requites  his  yearnings,  and  the  consummation 

[  233   ] 


in  death — ideal  though  it  may  be — has  its  foreboding,  unfathomable 
aspects.  Thus,  while  he  envisions  great  transcendent  realms,  the  hero 
is  kept  close  to  dull  reality  through  the  presence  of  his  companion, 
especially  because  he  divines  the  imperceptive  comprehension  of  that 
man,  who  can  so  adroitly  and  irresistibly  be  gulled.  Poe's  conception 
of  the  Byronic  aspect  in  his  fictive  character  may  also  embody  sadder 
emotions,  which  would  be  in  keeping  with  the  life-style  and  spirit  of 
the  older  poet.  Certainly,  the  relationship  of  the  visionary  and  his 
art  work  is  not  humorous  if  we  willingly  suspend  disbelief  in  notic- 
ing the  grotesque  effects  achieved  through  spatial  and  historical 
minglings.^'^  Our  hero  contemplates  the  ars  longa  implications  in  his 
personal  life,  in  which  irony  surely  attaches  to  the  statue-human 
analogies  (for  him  and  for  readers),  and  takes  no  great  imaginative- 
emotional  leap  in  associating  himself  with  More,  as  he  might  have 
understood  him.  Just  so  with  his  own  oncoming  death,  we  can 
conclude.  Like  More,  who  never  swerved  from  his  particular  course, 
this  strange  character  pursues  his  visionary,  Byronic  way.  Surrounded 
by  artistic  magnificence  that  spans  history,  a  collection  as  singular  in 
its  combinations  as  is  its  possessor's  peculiar  cast  of  mind,  and,  aware 
of  his  own  transience  in  contrast,  he  believably  would  be  moved  to 
sardonic  outburst  and  jokes.  His  situation  is  best  epitomized  by 
Byron's  own  lines:  "And  if  I  laugh  at  any  mortal  thing,  /  'Tis  that  I 
may  not  weep"  [Don  Juan,  iv. 4.1-2). 

Our  protagonist's  isolation  from  humankind  is  indicated  in  even 
subtler  fashions.  Shortly  after  reading  his  host's  poem,  the  narrator 
(in  1834)  observes  the  "variety  of  his  acquirements,  as  well  as  the 
strange  pleasure  he  took  in  hiding  them  from  the  world."  Substi- 
tuting "extent"  for  "variety"  gives  breadth  to  the  hero's  accom- 
plishments, which  quality  is  countered  by  turning  "as  well  as  the 
strange"  into  "and  of  the  singular."  One  of  Poe's  favorite  words, 
"singular"  deepens  the  alienation  of  the  stranger.  That  the  word 
remained  uppermost  in  Poe's  mind  is  apparent  in  its  original  modi- 
fication of  "date"  several  lines  below.  "From  observation,"  as  op- 
posed to  "from  the  world,"  vitalizes  what  was  a  trite  first  attempt, 
strengthening  too  the  visionary  implications  in  the  tale. 

The  narrator  himself  comes  to  us  in  visionary  terms,  although 
Poe's  never-satisfied  imagination  tinkered  constantly  with  them  over 
the  years.  What  he  relates  is  a  retrospective  vision  in  structure,  like 

[  234  ] 


many  of  the  other  tales,  and  as  such  its  rhetoric  appeals  most  readily 
to  our  eyes,  hi  Godeys  he  seems  to  be  an  imperceptive,  yet  authori- 
tative source  of  information.  He  is  a  traveller  in  foreign  climes  (one 
of  those  so  typical  in  the  works  of  Willis,  whose  ploys  Poe  rapidly 
perceived  and  mastered  for  his  own  magazine  ventures),  and  from 
his  experience  in  Venice  he  creates  a  traveller's  tale,  like  those  pro- 
duced earlier  by  Irving,  whose  writings  Poe  also  thoroughly  com- 
prehended. Deleting  the  opening  paragraphs  from  the  later  versions 
serves  yet  another  function,  one  of  characterization.  Their  disap- 
pearance lessens  our  conception  of  the  narrator  as  a  typical  precious 
being  so  prominent  in  magazine  fiction  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
Their  removal  also  prevents  our  premature  realization  of  his  passive- 
ness,  and  yet  that  very  characteristic,  albeit  in  muted  form,  perfects 
his  position  as  a  chronicler.  He  beholds  the  events  unfold  before 
him,  and  thence  to  us,  as  tableaux  vivants,  so  staple  in  the  century  s 
fiction  (and  drama,  to  which  this  tale  bears  close  affinities),  or  as 
dream  sequences  move  before  one  in  reverie.^^  Not  accidentally, 
nor  for  sleazy,  degenerate  romanticism,  does  he  grow  "blind"  and 
"dizzy" — improvements  with  which  Poe  sharpened  the  original  and 
hackneyed  "sick" — from  beholding  his  companion's  luxurious,  fan- 
tastic surroundings. 

Removing  certain  explanatory  lines  for  the  1835  version  makes 
our  speaker  a  better  storyteller,  one  who  dramatizes  as  much  as  he 
tells.  Like  the  abrupt  changes  of  scene  during  dreaming,  the  tech- 
nique in  "The  Assignation"  brings  to  mind  that  of  film  in  its 
transitions  and  fadeouts.  The  Schlegelian  theory  that  sculpture  and 
poetry  combine  to  form  tragic  groups  (1:  86-87)  might  also  be 
noticed  apropos  of  this  technique,  because  the  tale  in  one  sense 
could  be  a  textbook  application  of  the  Lectures  to  Byronism  and 
other  currents  in  Poe's  artistic  sphere.  The  result  is  that  the  tragic 
groups  appear  and  disappear  abruptly  before  us,  much  in  the  manner 
in  which,  say,  the  shifting  scenes  in  an  Elizabethan  drama  occur. 
The  effect  of  dreaming  is  heightened  through  revision.  Upon  the 
narrator's  entrance,  we  read  of  the  exotic  apartments  of  the  hero 
(in  1834):  "Here  then  had  the  hand  of  genius  been  at  work. — A 
wilderness — a  chaos  of  beauty  was  before  me;  a  sense  of  dreamy  and 
incoherent  grandeur  took  possession  of  my  soul,  and  I  remained 
speechless."  No  such  weak  padding  exists  in  subsequent  versions, 

[  235  ] 


and  the  movement,  or  apparent  movement,  in  the  plotting  quickens 
because  of  more  rapid  shifts  from  scene  to  speech.  A  related  improve- 
ment follows  "To  One  in  Paradise":  "that  the  date  of  the  M.S., 
appeared  to  me  singular"  becomes  "occasioned  me  no  little  amaze- 
ment." Drama  and  emotional  import  come  to  the  fore.  The  nar- 
rator's mind,  his  perceptions — or  lack  thereof^are  stressed,  tangi- 
bility is  lessened,  and  the  centrality  of  inward,  emotional  experience 
continues.  Ironically,  our  storyteller's  recounting  of  the  Venetian 
tragedy  reveals  the  disparateness  between  his  non-concrete  relation- 
ship to  the  situation  in  process  before  him  and  the  exceptionally 
concrete  phenomena  to  which  he  responds.  His  vision  sees  too  much 
to  allow  for  his  psyche  to  operate  with  depth  upon  what  he  sees. 

Considering  the  obvious  care  Poe  lavished  on  reworking  the 
phrases  just  examined,  we  might  notice  how  he  modified  the  humor 
inherent  in  the  Folio  Club  into  less  comic,  less  satiric  substance,  but 
substance,  nevertheless,  embodying  the  stuff  of  symbolic  artistry. 
The  idea  of  a  wine-sodden  Tom  Moore  regaling  his  fellow  Club 
members  conveys  mirth.  Removed  from  that  framework,  the  con- 
fused narrative  point  of  view  is  perfect  for  detailing  a  story  of 
passion  by  means  of  cliches  that  in  Poe's  hands  rise  above  the  turgid 
trash  in  many  tales  of  his  day.  As  in  a  Swinburne  poem,  wherein 
many  readers  are  led  astray  by  the  hypnotic  music  and  in  conse- 
quence fail  to  perceive  the  underlying  tragic  import,  the  seemingly 
too  pat  language  in  "The  Assignation"  misleads  the  unwary.  The 
narrative  voice  that  sounds  here  is  one  of  a  sentimentalist,  but  he 
does  not  actively  participate  in  the  tragedy  passing  before  his  dull- 
witted  perceptions.  The  narrative  stance  is  not  engaged  in  the  same 
way  as,  say,  Montresor's  is  in  his  tale  about  poor  Fortunato.  The 
Venetian  tourist's  vision  is,  however,  important  because  of  the  reve- 
lations with  which  he  provides  us,  but  which  he  himself  fails  to 
understand.  He  may  be  funny,  but  the  events  he  observes  are  not. 
What  may  have  been  intended  for  a  tale  with  mirthful  under- 
currents of  in  vino  Veritas  for  the  Folio  Club  stands  on  its  own 
limited  attempts  at  creativity  through  art  forms  and  love.  The  narra- 
tive method  shifts  from  centering  upon  a  drunkard's  tale,  and  leaves 
us  ultimately  with  an  impression  of  one  too  ready  for  Byron-cum- 
Blackwood's  sensationalism  to  grasp  the  truth  that  he  unwittingly 
discloses  to  readers.  The  recurrent  mirror  effects  may  function  to 

[  236  ] 


baffle  him  the  more,  and  behind  this  hterary  device  hes,  unmistak- 
ably, the  sure  control  of  Edgar  Allan  Poe. 

With  no  mighty  wrench  from  this  visionary  quality,  we  may 
now  contemplate  "The  Assignation"  as  one  of  Poe's  most  poetic 
tales,  a  response  that  enjoys  small  currency  in  recent  criticism,  al- 
though the  probability  of  such  an  assumption  is  supported  by  the 
revisions.  The  overall  structure  recalls  balladry,  as  stated  in  Part  One 
of  this  article,  and  in  more  subtle  details  it  approaches  the  rhythmic, 
imagistic  prose  made  famous  by  De  Quincey.  Many  readers  would, 
doubtless,  be  astonished  initially  in  coming  upon  a  statement  of  E. 
C.  Stedman's:  ".  .  .  nor  is  there  any  such  a  trilogy,  in  our  own 
literature,  of  prose  romances  taking  wings  of  poetry  at  their  will  as 
'Ligeia,'  'The  Assignation,'  and  'The  Fall  of  the  House  of  Usher.'  " 
A  "Marginalia"  comment  of  Poe's,  however,  gives  an  ironic  twist  to 
the  truth  in  Stedman's  theory:  "It  is  almost  impossible  to  see  a  thing 
that  lies  immediately  beneath  one's  nose."^^  Many  have  seen  great 
artistic  substance  in  "Ligeia"  and  "Usher,"  but  few  have  allowed 
such  high  position  to  "The  Assignation."  The  poetic  element  is 
difficult  to  ignore,  however.  A  balladeer  would  applaud  the  abrupt 
beginning,  the  speedy  narrative  pace,  the  "leaping-and-lingering" 
alternation  of  dialogue  with  scene,  and  the  hinted  violence  hovering 
over  the  sparse  cast  of  characters.  The  sensational  deaths  of  the 
principals  are  also  stock  ballad  fare,  although  they  are  not  worked 
here  to  provide  mere  sensation  for  sensation's  sake.  The  revised 
texts  of  "The  Assignation"  constantly  remind  us  of  Poe's  related 
theories  about  unity  in  the  brief  tale  and  poem,  as  imagery  and 
sound  effects  receive  ever  more  conscious  care  between  1834  and  1845. 

The  atmospheric  setting  is  another  outstanding  poetic  feature.  The 
dimness  and  darkness  that  alternate  with  striking,  often  eerie,  illu- 
mination are  intensified  as  the  city's  windows  no  longer  remain 
"gleaming  with  the  fires  of  midnight  revelry,"  but  instead  look 
gloomily  down  into  the  canals.  Poe  wishes  to  emphasize  the  darkness 
of  the  midnight  hours,  and  his  modifications  immediately  above  this 
altered  passage  intensify  the  description  of  Venice  as  "that  city  of 
dim  visions" — an  appropriate  background  for  the  narrator's  own 
myopia.  Revising  the  repetitious  "city"  into  "Elysium"  contributes  to 
the  vagueness,  but  artistically  functional  vagueness,  pervasive  through- 
out in  various  forms.  Milman's  "Belvidere"  may  lurk  behind  this 

[237] 


revision,  because  Apollo  there  is  seen  amidst  "Elysian"  surroundings. 
Reworking  the  gondola  from  "some  huge  bird  of  sable  plumage" 
into  "some  huge  and  sable-feathered  condor"  adds  specificity  and 
rhythmic  smoothness  to  the  line.  It  reminds  us,  too,  that  the  darkness 
moves,  attaining  almost  the  status  of  a  character.  At  the  end  of  the 
sentence,  the  light  of  "a  ghastly  and  supernatural  day"  alters  to  "a 
livid  and  preternatural  day,"  achieving  far  greater  precision  and 
refniement  over  the  original.  One  w^onders  if  Poe  was  aware  of  the 
Latin  root  for  "livid,"  which  connotes  bluish  light  and  which  causes 
the  narrator  to  respond  to  the  scene  as  one  nowadays  would  react  to 
a  flashbulb's  flare.  "Preternatural"  in  all  its  mysteriousness  accords 
with  the  personality  of  the  hero,  and  simultaneously  emphasizes  that 
this  is  not  another  blue-devil  terror  tale,  but  one  of  greater  than 
ordinary  human  nature.  Attention  to  lighting  continues  in  changing 
"dearest"  to  "brightest"  hope  in  reference  to  the  floundering  baby, 
and  the  modification  complements  the  excision  of  "shadow  of 
motion"  from  the  description  of  the  mother  just  above.  Reviewing 
Peter  Snook  (SLM,  2  [1835-36],  730),  Poe  particularly  praised  the 
"chiaro  'scuro  .  .  .  that  blending  of  light  and  shadow  where  nothing  is 
too  distinct,  yet  where  the  idea  is  fully  conveyed.  ..." 

Elsewhere  in  the  tale  Poe  pauses  thoughtfully  over  the  illumina- 
tion, if  we  may  depend  upon  the  evidence  of  textual  change.  In  the 
hero's  poem  "Ambition — all — is  o'er"  emerges  as  "The  light  of  life 
is  o'er."  The  visionary  is  aware  of  his  death,  or  sunset,  in  contrast  to 
the  actual  rising  sun  seen  through  his  windows.  He  calls  attention  to 
this  disparity  in  another  altered  passage,  which  initially  read  "that 
solemn  sun  which  these  lamps  and  censers  are  struggling  to  over- 
power." Inserting  "gaudy"  before  "lamps"  and  restructuring  the 
final  phrase  into  "so  eager  to  subdue"  implies  the  hero's  awareness  of 
a  chink  in  the  fantastic  world  within  his  apartment.  In  the  closing 
scene,  "lately  beaming"  substitutes  for  "beautiful"  eyes,  thus  subtly 
linking  the  protagonist  with  the  "newly  risen"  rather  than  the  "ris- 
ing" sun,  and  conveying  unobtrusively  an  implication  of  time  past 
and  ended  in  contrast  to  an  ongoing  process  as  concerns  the  hero. 
Again,  the  Apollo  suggestion  comes  to  the  fore,  and  the  visionary's 
manly  aura  is  carried  to  the  last  in  this  change;  what  might  have 
been  an  effeminate  "beautiful"  now  turns  into  something  more 
surely  heroic. 

[  238  ] 


Other  passages  denote  Poe's  ear  for  pleasanter  rhythm  and  sound, 
reinforcing  another  type  of  poetic  makeup  inherent  in  this  world  of 
romantic  and  ideal  love.  Following  "in  its  shadows — in  its  archi- 
tecture— "  with  "in  its  ivy-wreathed  and  solemn  cornices"  heightens 
an  enjoyable  rhetorical  swell  while  amplifying  the  imagery  in  the 
line.  Such  details  are  what  deepen  the  effect  of  a  dream  in  "The 
Assignation,"  by  providing  some  tangibility  amid  chaos  to  afford  us 
a  "momentary  stay  against  confusion,"  in  Frost's  words.  A  second 
section  of  this  type  is  one  already  noticed  for  other  reasons,  that 
introducing  the  weeping  Marchesa:  "Her  lip — her  beautiful  lip  trem- 
bles; tears  are  gathering  in  her  eyes"  suggests  in  its  sounds — halting 
at  first,  then  turning  into  gliding  and  soft  s  and  th — the  rhythm  of 
the  actual  commencement  of  weeping.  Such  combinations  of  sound 
with  sense  are  often  treacherous,  but  this  one  succeeds. ^^  Additional 
modification  toward  pleasing  image  and  sound  linkage  appears  not 
far  away,  as  if  Poe  were  caught  up  in  the  delineation  of  his  Mar- 
chesa's  loveliness.  Her  trembling  assumes  greater  attractiveness  when 
compared,  by  means  of  revision,  to  a  soft  wind  quivering  about  the 
"rich  silver  lilies  in  the  grass."  "Silver"  was  not  used  at  first,  and  its 
inclusion  adds  poetic  consonance,  internal  rhyme  (//),  and  liquid 
sound  and  movement. 

Two  more  examples  of  Poe's  acutely  working  ear  warrant  at- 
tention, hi  1834  the  weird  chambers  glow  with  "Arabesque  censers 
which  seemed  actually  endued  with  a  monstrous  vitality  as  their 
particoloured  fires  writhed  up  and  down,  and  around  about  their 
extravagant  proportions."  Such  lushness  is  a  'prentice  pastiche  of 
De  Quincey,  Bulwer,  and  Disraeli.  Recast  to  "convolute  censers, 
together  with  multitudinous  flaring  and  flickering  tongues  of  em- 
erald and  violet  fire,"  the  whole  attains  greater  alliteration  and 
further  onomatopoetic  (and  more  mature)  style.  It  also  more  dra- 
matically engages  the  eye.  "Arabesque"  becomes  "convolute"  in 
1840,  when  Poe  probably  does  not  wish  to  overwork  the  title 
epithet  for  Tales  of  the  Grotesque  and  Arabesque.  The  revision  makes 
the  censers  as  twisted  as  their  flames,  a  meaning  not  precisely  con- 
noted by  "Arabesque,"  although  implied  by  the  hero's  succeeding 
speech.2^  A  final  change  important  for  its  undercurrent  of  meaning 
associated  with  proper  placement  of  sound  is  the  last  outcry  of  the 
Marchesa's  servant.  First  "horrible!  horrible!"  it  was  replaced  by 

[  239  ] 


"oh  beautiful — oh  beautiful  Aphrodite!"  The  visual  aura  of  beauty 
surrounding  that  lady  is,  like  the  mythic  quality  of  her  lover, 
steadily  maintained  to  the  end.  The  revision  also  places  the  peak  of 
the  emotional  impact  in  the  fuial  paragraph  (condensed  from  two  in 
the  Godeys  text)  fully  upon  the  narrator,  who  might  well  cry 
"horrible!  horrible!"  but  who  instead  remains  silent,  the  shift  from 
dialogue  to  narration  thereby  intertwining  function  with  form. 
Smith's  stressing  the  importance  of  concluding  paragraphs  in  Poe's 
tales  is  pertinent  here.  The  revisions  delay  a  full  grasp  of  the  circum- 
stances until  the  end,  and  consequently  the  tale  bodies  forth  a  form 
akin  to  both  a  ballad  and  a  periodic  sentence.  Also,  as  in  a  dream,  we 
stop,  because  the  narrator  stops,  just  as  the  tense  buildup  of  events 
produces  a  frightful,  overwhelming  conclusion.  In  this  technique 
"The  Assignation"  anticipates  "Ligeia,"  to  name  but  one  other  tale, 
in  which  a  similar  horrifying  conclusion  is  structured  by  related 
methods. ^^  We  recall  Milman's  "Belvidcre"  once  more,  where  the 
lady  figuratively  turns  to  stone,  after  hearing  strange  music — sounds 
heard  by  no  other.  Inverting  a  source,  Poe's  visionary  also  hears 
sounds  not  audible  to  his  guest,  and  he,  too,  grows  rigid,  like  stone, 
when  he  dies. 

Finally,  we  glance  at  revisions  that  do  not  fit  into  any  of  the 
previous  categories.  They  are  sufficiently  noteworthy,  however,  to 
allow  no  easy  neglect.  Replacing  "sad,"  the  "deep"  windows  imaged 
in  the  Venetian  waters  produce  a  more  exact  mirroring  effect,  one 
significant  elsewhere,  as  stated  earlier.  We  first  see  the  Marchesa 
reflected  in  the  shimmering  pavement  during  the  confusion  about 
her  baby,  and  the  unveiling  of  her  portrait  is  akin  to  gazing  into  a 
mirror  for  her  lover — whose  other  self  she  is.  "Byron"  himself  has  a 
countenance  that  images  his  soul  as  a  mirror  reproduces  (F:  94).  In 
his  reading  of  the  rescue  scene  {Poes  Fiction,  p.  126),  G.  R.  Thomp- 
son incorrectly  places  the  Marchesa — at  the  narrator's  first  sight  of 
her — in  her  upper  window,  although  at  that  moment  she  is  actually 
below,  in  front  of  the  palace.  Turning  "Demon"  into  "genius"  of 
Romance  is  but  one  more  method  of  not  prematurely  weighting  the 
dice  against  the  lovers,  allowing  instead  for  deliberate  ambiguity. 
The  genius  of  Romance  may  be  either  good  or  evil,  but  Demon  is, 
generally,  more  restrictively  evil.  Seeing  the  Marchesa's  hair  "not  as 
yet  more  than  half"  rather  than  just  "partly"  unbound  enriches  the 

[  240  ] 


pictorial  detail  of  the  tableau.  The  word  "exertions"  is  more  telling 
about  the  struggles  to  rescue  the  baby  than  is  the  tame  "endeavours." 

The  mention  of  the  temples  of  Cybele  and  Persepolis  deserves 
elaboration  here,  because  this  revision  strengthens  the  thematic  under- 
currents of  "The  Assignation."  Turning  the  temples  of  Cybele,  the 
ancient  goddess  of  nature  and  sensual  love,  into  those  of  Persepolis 
imparts  an  ambivalence  to  the  hero's  love  and  its  urges.  The  capital 
of  ancient  Persia,  Persepolis,  was  a  ruined  city  famed  in  the  travel 
literature  of  Poe's  day.  Deliberately  destroyed  by  fire,  it  might 
naturally  be  associated  by  our  narrator  with  the  Apollo-hero,  who 
compares  his  existence  to  the  flames  in  the  censers,  and  whose  per- 
sonality is  otherwise  fierily  tempestuous.  The  Cybele  reference  may 
derive  from  the  opening  o(  Childe  Harold,  canto  iv,  where  Venice  is 
termed  a  "sea  Cybele."  Classical  sources  often  underly  romantic 
poems;  hence  "The  Assignation,"  like  "Ligeia,"  is  another  of  Poe's 
deft  balancings  of  the  classic  and  the  romantic,  which  begin  with  the 
"Palladian"  palaces  and  end  in  a  welter  of  horror.-'^  Byron's  passage 
follows  immediately  upon  the  Bridge-of-Sighs  reference,  "a  Palace 
and  a  prison  on  each  hand,"  and  Poe's  setting  may  pay  ironic  re- 
spects (although  not  of  the  German  Romantic  sort)  to  this  line.  The 
palace  in  the  tale  is  the  prison,  and  liberty  leaps  from  this  prison, 
so  to  speak.  To  avoid  a  too-obvious  dependence  upon  a  Byronic 
source,  and  to  preserve  the  fiery  nature  of  the  hero's  personality,  Poe 
changes  his  narrator's  thoughts  from  Cybele  to  Persepolis,  and  in 
doing  so  he  covertly  directs  weight  from  the  sensual  (Cybele)  to 
the  concrete  (Persepolis).  Thus,  the  Byronic  lover  is  no  Gothic  rake- 
hell,  although  he  may  indeed  be  considered  a  Gothic  Apollo.  By 
such  means,  too,  Poe  can  draw  upon  an  ample  supply  of  "Piquant 
Facts  and  Expressions"  that  his  own  Mr.  Blackwood  later  so  adamantly 
urges  upon  Miss  Psyche  Zenobia  as  the  backbone  for  a  fine  sensation 
article.  That  astute  counsellor's  prescription  of  Greek  mixed  with 
"erudition"  culled  deliberately  from  magazine  sources  is  followed  to 
the  letter  by  Poe.  He  blends  Greek  situation  (Persepolis,  destroyed 
by  Alexander),  Greek  language  (the  inscription),  and  learned  lore 
(the  More  references) — all  secured  by  attentive  reading — with  the 
more  overt  Byronic  elements  in  his  tale. 

Offering  his  guest  "Vin  de  Barac" — which  surely  should  be 
"Barsac" — in  1834  would  be  no  really  gracious  act  on  the  part  of  the 

[  ^41  ] 


Byronic  stranger,  for  that  beverage  is  not  of  the  high  quahty  that  one 
might  expect  to  fnid  in  a  rich  man's  cellar.  When  it  is  supplanted  by 
"Johannisberger,"  out  goes  the  type  of  wine  we  might  expect  some- 
one like  the  febrile  narrator  to  imbibe  regularly,  and  in  comes  a  more 
potent  wine  better  suited  to  so  extraordinary  a  personage  as  our 
hero.-'^  This  change  occurs  in  the  1840  text,  although  it  is  not  re- 
corded among  the  Harrison  variants,  and  it  may  reveal  a  deliberate 
move  away  from  a  comic  punning  or  from  the  alcoholic  aura  of  the 
Folio  Club.  There  is  an  actual  Johannisberger  wine;  there  is  (and 
was)  no  Vin  de  Barac.  Perhaps  Poe  first  intended  to  test  his  readers' 
French.  Within  the  framework  of  the  Folio  Club,  the  misspelling 
may  have  been  deliberate,  in  order  to  draw  down  the  wrath  of  the 
others  assembled  upon  Mr.  Convolvulus  Gondola.  We  can  never 
know  that  with  certainty.  We  can  only  speculate  about  this  teaser,  as 
we  can  only  surmise  about  another,  more  influential  one  that  tells  us 
nothing  more  than  "Then  Satan  entered  into  Judas." 

Last,  an  addition  to  the  1 845  text,  also  not  listed  in  Harrison,  must 
also  be  examined.  This  is  the  scene  of  the  hero's  final  speech,  and  the 
passage  must  be  quoted  in  full:  "At  length,  erecting  his  frame,  he 
looked  upwards  and  ejaculated  the  lines  of  the  Bishop  of  Chichester : — 

Stay  for  me  there!  I  will  not  fail 
To  meet  thee  in  that  hollow  vale." 

For  those  ever  eager  to  discover  lubricious  innuendo  in  any  writer, 
these  lines  furnish  all  too  easy  a  quarry.  Fortunately,  we  have  the 
statement  of  an  established  Poe  expert,  Edward  H.  Davidson,  that 
our  author's  tendencies  were  bent  upon  eliminating  the  overt  bawdry 
of  his  earlier  fiction.  The  same  intent  is  evident  in  "The  Mystery  of 
Marie  Roget,"  in  which  Poe  bowed  to  the  dictates  of  Victorian  deli- 
cacy.-^^  What  the  insertion  reveals  is  one  more  attempt  of  the  feeble 
powers  of  humanity  to  bridge  the  gap  separating  the  actual  from  the 
ideal  world. 

V 

In  closing,  several  general  remarks  are  in  order.  Some  humor  appears 
in  reading  "The  Assignation,"  but  we  cannot  escape  the  evidence, 
more  largely  supported  by  the  revisions  of  the  texts,  of  Poe's  move- 
ment away  from  what  might  be  interpreted  as  only  a  travesty  of 

[  242  ] 


Byron  and  Byronism.  Like  Fielding,  Thackeray,  Twain,  and  Mere- 
dith, to  mention  but  a  few,  Poe  often  begins  by  burlesquing  popular 
fictional  forms,  and  then  changes,  consciously  or  otherwise,  to  a 
more  serious,  modified  style  employing  similar  techniques.  At  times 
his  actual  intent  defies  clarification,  and  the  division  of  the  comic  and 
the  non-comic  in  his  work  is  always  precarious.  Concerning  the  re- 
visions of  "The  Visionary"  into  "The  Assignation,"  I  detect  a  curious 
evolution  in  what  first  might  have  been  a  "quiz"  on  one  of  Poe's 
literary  heroes,  but  not  nearly  so  deliberately  ironic  in  burlesque  in- 
tent as  in  its  delineating  the  emotional  havoc  wrought  upon  the  ar- 
tistic temperament  in  love.  The  addition  of  the  More  section  may 
result  from  some  such  scheme  to  unify  the  atmosphere  of  drinking 
and  jollity  among  the  members  in  the  Folio  Club,  as  would  be  com- 
plemented by  the  innuendoes  about  wine  and  drinking.  But  the  nar- 
rator's ambiguous  "drunkenness"  serves  to  point  up  the  vagueness  of 
the  lovers'  circumstances,  as  much  as  it  might  add  comedy  to  his  own 
status  as  a  club  member,  and,  I  think,  the  removal  of  the  original 
Godeys  opening  supports  this  conclusion.  There,  the  highflown 
rhapsodizing  may  be  plausibly  attributed  to  a  drunkard;  in  the  later 
texts  we  come  to  grips  with  a  different  centrality  in  characterization, 
one  in  which  the  unsteady  vision  is  not  just  that  of  a  befuddled 
Thomas  Moore. 

Passion  and  intrigue,  those  hallmarks  of  the  sentimentalized  Goth- 
icism  epitomized  in  the  pages  of  Godey's,  give  way  to  Poe's  sense  of 
aesthetics,  and  so  the  abundant  art  work  is  not  out  of  place,  but  func- 
tional. The  protagonist — who  so  clearly  resembles  his  creator  him- 
self, who  in  turn  was  deeply  struck  by  the  Byronic  impact — is  the 
pioneer  artist  in  love  among  Poe's  heroes,  and  his  feelings  for  the 
Marchesa  doom  both  of  them  in  a  situation  that  prefigures  the  other 
love  tales.  The  art  collection  is  the  protagonist's  human  and  limited 
attempt  to  experience  the  transcendental  (although  not  the  Tran- 
scendental that  Poe  so  mercilessly  pilloried),  and  it  fails.  We  cannot 
be  sure  of  the  aftermath  of  these  lovers'  suicides,  although,  recalling 
the  kinship  with  Romeo  and  Juliet,  and  the  hero's  poem,  we  may,  not 
implausibly,  imagine  a  transcendent  fulfillment.^^  That  is,  we  must 
view  the  "artificial"  pair  as  symbolizing  Poe's  concept  of  supernal 
beauty  and  love,  an  attitude  travelling  onward  through  his  disciple 
Rossetti.  Then,  too,  we  must  not  forget  Schlegel's  pronouncements 

[  243   ] 


upon  statues  and  the  tragic  muse,  which  Poe  knew  and  seems  to  have 
recalled  strongly  in  his  tale. 

Mentioning  other  opinions  about  "The  Assignation,"  I  try  to  sup- 
plement them  with  new  information.  The  scarcity  of  "The  Vision- 
ary" (1834)  has  undoubtedly  led  to  opinions  that  might  have  been 
altered,  had  the  original  text  been  easily  procurable.^"*  With  Poe's 
awareness  of  the  "fitful  stain  of  melancholy,  which  will  ever  be 
found  inseparable  from  the  beautiful,"  so  hke  Keats's  lines  on  the 
same  phenomenon,  we  cannot  take  undue  liberties.  To  be  sure,  Poe 
has  his  unmistakable  comic  vein,  one  much  mined  by  critics  from 
"The  Assignation."  I  fmd  the  serious  romanticism  in  this  tale  to  be 
significant,  and  so  I  present  my  study.  Another  revision,  from  the 
line  just  quoted,  supports  my  assertions:  "which  will  ever  be  found" 
earlier  read  "is,  I  do  beheve,"  and  the  later  wording  coalesces  with 
Poe's  theory  of  beauty.  Sent  to  the  background  is  our  bedazzled  nar- 
rator and  his  "Gothic"  tale;  in  his  place  stands  out  boldly  and  more 
importantly  a  widespread  romantic  theme,  one  that  receives  undeni- 
able bolstering  from  the  decade  of  Poe's  attentive  revising  of  "The 
Visionary"  into  "The  Assignation." 

NOTES 

1.  I  acknowledge  the  sharp  eyes  of  my  friends  Richard  Fusco,  Kevin  J.  Harty, 
Mrs.  Carrie  Schrack,  and  my  aunt  Mrs.  Alice  Coller;  all  have  bettered  the 
reprinting  of  "The  Visionary"  in  Part  One.  For  penetrating  queries  about  the 
tale  itself,  I  thank  Mr.  Frank  K.  Wuttge,  Jr.,  Professors  John  E.  Reilly,  and — 
once  again — Richard  P.  Benton  and  Eric  W.  Carlson.  Various  other  assistance 
has  come  to  steady  my  thoughts  from  Professors  James  W.  Christie  III,  Alex- 
ander Hammond,  and  Carolyn  Wall,  as  well  as  from  Mrs.  Maureen  Cobb 
Mabbott,  John  J.  Reilly,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bill  Burns  and  family.  My  great 
aunt,  Mrs.  Harriet  Pflum,  "just  happened  to  have  in  a  drawer"  several  issues 
of  Godey's  that  have  sped  along  my  work,  and  Duff  and  M.  E.  Gilfond  have 
been  tireless  in  providing  me  with  other  rare  books. 

My  textual  citations  are  from  the  reprint  of  "The  Visionary"  in  The 
Library  Chronicle,  39  (1973),  90-100  (in  Part  One  of  my  study),  which  is 
easier  to  locate  than  the  original  1834  Godey's;  to  the  Harrison  Edition,  except 
where  it  overlooks  variants;  to  Mabbott's  edition  of  the  poems;  and  to 
Ostrom's  edition  of  the  letters.  I  abbreviate  by  initial:  F,  H,  M,  O,  with  ap- 
propriate page  and  volume  numbers  when  essential — although  to  preclude  my 
study's  resembling  a  mathematical  chart  I  do  not  slavishly  interrupt  it  with 
page  numbers  for  the  tale  because  of  its  relative  brevity.  Standard  (PMLA) 

I  244  ] 


abbreviations  and  acronyms  have  been  used  for  the  titles  of  most  serial  and 
periodical  publications  cited. 

2.  My  opinions  resemble  those  concerning  another  tale  that  apply  to  my  own 
material:  Donald  Barlow  Stauffer,  "The  Two  Styles  of  Poe's  'MS.  Found  in  a 
Bottle,'  "  Style,  i  (1967),  107-120. 

3.  Eric  W.  Carlson  has  illuminated  the  combinations  of  dramatic  with  narrative 
method  in  "Symbol  and  Sense  in  Poe's  'Ulalume,'  "  Die  aiiierikamsche  Lyrik 
von  Edgar  Allan  Poe  bis  Wallace  Stevens  (Darmstadt,  1972),  pp.  8-11;  his 
theory  is  extended  to  analyze  other  works  in  "Poe's  Vision  of  Man,"  Papers  on 
Poe,  ed.  Richard  P.  Veler  (Springfield,  Ohio,  1972),  pp.  7-20;  and  Poe  on  the 
Soul  of  Man  (Baltimore,  1973).  Floyd  Stovall  notices  poetic  elements  in  "The 
Assignation,"  although  he  does  not  elaborate  upon  them,  in  Edgar  Poe  the 
Poet  (Charlottesville,  1969),  p.  262.  Poe's  muting  of  sensationalism  elsewhere 
is  studied  in  David  E.  E.  Sloane  and  Benjamin  Franklin  Fisher  IV,  "Poe's 
Revisions  in  'Berenice':  Beyond  the  Gothic,"  ATQ,  ^24  (1974),  19-23;  and  in 
my  "Poe's  'Metzengerstein':  Not  a  Hoax,"  AL,  42  (1970-71),  487-494. 
Vincent  Buranelli  discerns  "the  fashion  of  the  Gothic  horror  story"  in  such 
tales  as  "Morella,"  "Berenice,"  and  "The  Assignation,"  but  he  fails  to  note 
any  subtlety  in  the  Gothicism  of  the  last:  Edgar  Allan  Poe  (New  York,  1961), 
p.  68. 

Sources  for  our  tale  are  legion,  as  subsequent  discussions  and  notes  indicate — 
and  thereby  supplement  Part  One,  n.  6.  Many  link  with  matters  of  revision, 
and,  consequently,  must  be  examined.  Wuttge  has  been  diligent  in  shaping  my 
ideas,  which  are,  however,  at  odds  with  his  on  certain  points. 

4.  Burton  R.  Pollin,  "Byron,  Poe,  and  Miss  Matilda,"  Names,  16  (1968),  409-414. 

5.  The  divided  audience  occupies  Richard  P.  Benton,  "Is  Poe's  'The  Assignation' 
a  Hoax?,"  NCF,  18  (1963),  193-197;  Michael  Allen,  Poe  and  the  British 
Magazine  Tradition  (New  York,  1969),  pp.  125-126,  143,  147;  and  myself, 
"Blackwood  Articles  a  [sic]  la  Poe:  How  to  Make  a  False  Start  Pay,"  RLV, 

39  (1973),  424ff- 

6.  Poe's  German  continues  troublesome;  see  Part  One,  n.  6.  In  Poe's  Fiction 
(Madison,  1973),  p.  212,  G.  R.  Thompson  seems  to  imply  that  Poe  read 
Friedrich  Schlegel  in  translation,  but  in  a  letter  to  me  he  stresses  Poe's  ability 
to  read  German.  Professor  Robert  D.Jacobs,  more  recently,  in  a  letter  to  me, 
suggests  that  Poe  was  more  a  pilferer  of  translations  than  one  genuinely 
grounded  in  the  German  language. 

7.  Another  reason  for  condensing  here  supports  a  view  of  Poe's  moving  away 
from  humor.  The  original  opening  smacks  of  several  essays  in  the  New-York 
Mirror  relating  to  Byron.  On  June  2,  1832,  in  "Humors  of  a  Young  Man 
About  Town,"  Byron  is  the  subject.  The  Venetian  episodes  in  Moore's 
biography  are  stressed,  and  Byron  is  an  "illustrious  but  ill-fated  'Pilgrim,' 
which  phrase  approximates  Poe's  "Ill-fated  and  mysterious  man!"  Byron  is 
also  termed  a  martyr  with  presentiments  about  an  early  death,  reiterated  in 
"His  youth  was  blasted  in  its  spring,"  which  wording  could,  with  scarce 
shufHing  of  copy,  be  Poe's.  The  Byron  in  this  essay  is  also  a  "man  upon  whom 

[  245   ] 


the  eyes  of  the  world  were  fixed  with  admiration,"  and  so  compares  closely 
with  the  "visionary."  The  central  figures  in  essay  and  tale  arc  men  of  keen 
susceptibilities  and  a  haughty  spirit,  and  we  may  not  grasp  after  straws  in  seeing 
as  background  for  Poe  "To  us,  the  mind  of  Byron  in  its  desolation,  seems  like 
the  ruins  of  some  pagan  temple,  where  even  the  shrines  of  idolatry  awaken 
reverence — for  they  prove  it  the  abode  of  religion,  though  the  worship  has 
been  perverted."  hi  this  same  sketch  the  "votaries  of  Apollo"  are  mentioned. 
A  second  piece,  "Original  Sketches  of  Distinguished  Poets,"  August  13,  1831, 
scrutinizes  Rogers  (whose  "classical  education  and  foreign  travel"  might  also 
be  seeds  for  portions  of  "The  Assignation"),  Byron,  Moore,  H.  H.  Milman, 
and  Shelley  as  well  as  others.  These  thumbnail  sketches  provide  a  veritable 
encyclopedia  of  possible  background  for  Poe's  tale  in  language  and  general 
idea.  For  instance,  Moore  "attacked  the  heart  through  the  medium  of  the 
senses,  and  if  his  spells  were  not  lasting  they  were  all  powerful  while  they 
existed,"  which  method  parallels  the  narrator's  in  "The  Assignation."  The 
section  on  Shelley  also  seems  like  potential  source  material,  considering  that 
Poe's  devotion  to  him  was  almost  as  great  as  that  to  Byron:  "His  were  the 
wanderings  of  a  powerful  intellect,  that  led  directly  down  to  the  gates  of 
death"  might  as  well  describe  Poe's  "Byron"  as  the  Shelley  of  the  Mirror; 
poisoning  is  noted  in  the  sketch,  and,  interestingly  enough,  on  the  facing  page 
are  brief  notices  of  Canova's  sculpture  and  a  suicide  pact  of  two  young  lovers. 
In  the  general  literary  knowledge  of  the  members  of  the  Folio  Club,  this 
material  might  presumably  be  familiar  fare;  when  Poe  separated  the  tale  from 
that  framework,  such  allusions  would  need  no  extensive  reworking. 

8.  The  closing  scene  is  also  reshaped  into  fewer  paragraphs. 

9.  In  1834  neither  lover  had  "wild"  eyes.  Lecturing  to  the  Poe  Studies  Association 
(on  December  28,  1974),  Robert  D.Jacobs  demonstrated  that  "wild"  in  Poe's 
writing  carries  none  of  the  usual  overtones  of  savagery  or  cruelty,  but  is 
actually  a  term  of  approbation,  with  connotations  of  no  yielding  to  society's 
restrictions;  hence,  it  subtly  strengthens  the  ideal  qualities  of  this  pair's  love. 
With  this  meaning  in  mind,  we  may  view  Mentoni's  age  as  indicative  of 
diminished  vitality  and  creativity,  as  well  as  of  a  lack  of  aesthetic  relationship 
to  his  world.  The  quality  is  certainly  not  absent  in  the  young  lovers,  who  are  in 
such  a  context  "arty"  in  a  positive  way,  as  classical  archetypes.  Jacobs  also 
stressed  that  "artificial"  means  artistically  created  and,  consequently,  poten- 
tially vital  because  associated  with  art — which  links  the  real  aad  ideal  worlds. 
Although  not  original  with  Poe,  such  a  conception  may  underlie  much  of  the 
recurring  statuary  or  "figures"  for  serious  instead  of  coinic  reasons. 

10.  The  scroll  disappears  after  the  first  version,  and  the  hero's  vases  are  drawn 
functionally  closer  to  that  in  the  portrait.  They  contain  the  poisoned  wine  (or 
one  of  them  does)  that  allows  the  lovers  to  enter  their  own  ideal  world,  which 
journey  is  anticipated  by  the  details  in  the  portrait,  among  other  art  objects 
that  exist  to  bridge,  or  to  suggest  the  tie  between,  actual  and  ideal  in  this  tale. 

11.  G.  R.  Thompson,  Poe's  Fiction,  pp.  29-34.  I  cite  Schlegel's  A  Course  of  Lectures 
on  Dramatic  Arts  and  Literature,  2  vols.  (London  and  Edinburgh,  1815),  John 

[  246  ] 


Black's  translation,  and  that  familiar  to  Poe.  See  also  Clark  Griffith's  "  'Emer- 
sonianism' and  'Poeism':  Some  Versions  of  the  Romantic  Sensibility,"  MLQ, 
22  (1961),  132. 

12.  Peter  Conrad,  "Images  of  Byron,"  TLS,  May  31,  1974,  p.  584.  In  the  Colum- 
bian sketch,  Poe  dubs  Mary  "the  Venus  Aphrodite  that  sprang,  in  full  and 
supernal  loveliness,  from  the  bright  foam  upon  the  storm-tormented  ocean  of 
his  thoughts."  Cf  also  Killis  Campbell,  "Poe's  Indebtedness  to  Byron," 
Nation,  March  11, 1909,  pp.  248-249.  On  the  serious  intent  behind  much  of  the 
statuary  in  the  literature  of  Poe's  era  see  Patricia  Merivale,  "The  Raven  and  the 
Bust  of  Pallas:  Classical  Artifacts  and  the  Gothic  Tale,"  PMLA,  89  (1974), 
960-966. 

I  cite  Milman's  Poetical  Works  (London,  1829),  2:  297-299.  We  must  not 
overlook  Poe's  own  remarks  in  reviewing  Peter  Snook  {SLM,  2  [1835-36], 
730)  about  the  plastic  arts,  that  "founded  as  they  surely  are  in  a  true  perception 
of  the  beautiful,  [they]  will  apply  in  their  fullest  force  to  every  species  of 
literary  composition." 

13.  The  American  Montldy  Magazine,  3  (1831),  81-92.  Wuttge  reminds  me,  too, 
that  the  move  from  Bianca  ('white'  in  Italian)  to  Aphrodite  may  intensify  the 
darker,  more  ambiguous  romanticism  of  the  tale.  "Bianco,"  incidentally,  is  the 
name  of  a  white  wine.  Poe's  minute  attention  to  Venus  lore  is  evident  else- 
where in  "Evening  Star"  and  in  Patrick  Kilbum's  discussion  of  that  poem  in 
Expl.,  28  (1970),  item  76.  See  also  Richard  P.  Benton,  "Platonic  Allegory  in 
Poe's  'Eleonora,'  "  NCF,  22  (1967-68),  293-297. 

14.  Benton  and  Thompson  do  not  consider  changes  among  the  texts,  consistently 
citing  that  of  1845.  Benton  suggests  to  me  that  Poe's  love  of  Canova's  work 
and  his  awareness  of  Byron's  poem  about  the  artist's  bust  of  Helen  may  in- 
fluence "The  Assignation"  and  "To  Helen,"  which  relationship,  as  I  see  it, 
reinforces  my  theories  about  sobriety.  So  far  as  I  know,  "To  Helen"  has  never 
been  thought  anything  other  than  a  serious,  sincere  poem.  The  popularity  and 
the  defects  in  the  Apollo  Belvedere,  the  qualities  of  the  Medici  Venus,  and  the 
origins  of  the  Antinous  figure  are  treated  in  Kenneth  Clark,  The  Nude:  A 
Study  in  Ideal  Form  (Garden  City,  1956),  pp.  83-84,  133-135. 

In  Poe's  Fiction,  p.  127,  Thompson  considers  the  statue-like  appearances  of 
the  principals  as  but  one  more  of  Poe's  submerged  jests.  In  ballads,  however, 
characters  are  often  just  as  statue-like  for  no  humorous  purpose.  Cf.  also  ch. 
133  o£  Moby-Dick  for  an  analogy  between  the  whale  and  a  marble  figure, 
surely  not  intended  to  convey  a  comic  sense.  Given  the  "visionary"  emphasis 
in  "The  Assignation,"  the  equation  of  the  lovers  with  art  objects  may  link 
their  type  of  love  to  the  world  of  the  imagination  and  the  ideal.  Such  a  world, 
for  Poe,  is  attainable  only  after  death.  Remembering  the  early  date  for  this 
tale,  we  may  surmise  that  Poe  had  in  mind  pictorial  art  when  he  "drew"  his 
characters  in  prose.  Following  the  tendencies  of  tableau  art  may  be  another 
apprentice  trait,  one  that  could  not  be  eradicated  over  the  years  without  pro- 
ducing an  altogether  different  tale,  something  that  was  done  with  "Bon-Bon." 

15.  Malcolm  Cowley, "Hawthorne  in  the  Looking-Glass,"5i?,  56  (1948),  545-563. 

[  247   ] 


i6.  The  statue-soul  belief  is  stated  in  Alice  Moser  Claudel,  "Poe  as  Voyager  in 
'To  Helen,'  "  Nctf  Approaches  to  Poe,  ed.  Richard  P.  Benton  (Hartford,  1970), 
PP-  35-36. 

17.  Her  eyes  thus  come  to  parallel  her  lover's,  and  in  their  wildness,  of  the  variety 
stressed  in  n.  9  above,  these  two  could  not  exist  in  a  world  governed  by  such 
hfeless,  uncreative,  yet  cruel  beings  as  Mentoni.  Benton  suggests  in  conversa- 
tion that  the  child  may  be  the  hero's,  not  Mentoni's,  a  theory  made  credible  by 
the  legend  of  Apollo's  son  Phaeton  drowning  in  the  River  Eridanus. 

18.  In  "Poe's  Tales  and  His  Theory  of  the  Poetic  Experience,"  SSF,  7  (1970), 
582-596,  Sheldon  W.  Liebman  presents  ideas  similar  to  mine,  although  he 
does  not  so  closely  examine  "The  Assignation." 

19.  Edward  Hungerford,  "Poe  and  Phrenology,"  AL,  2  (1930),  225-227.  In 
Great  Short  Works  of  Edgar  Allan  Poe,  ed.  G.  R.  Thompson  (New  York,  1970), 
"breath"  appears  for  "breadth,"  providing  another  sort  of  ironic  humor  for 
the  attentive  reader  (p.  143). 

20.  Considering  that  the  More  and  Canova  references  did  not  appear  in  the  1834 
text,  we  must  recognize  the  need  to  supplement  Benton's  work.  On  Poe's  con- 
flicting views  toward  Byron,  see  Allen,  Poe  and  the  British  Magazine  Tradition, 
pp.  56-58,  121-122.  Critical  attitudes  toward  Poe's  Byronism  are  cited  in 
Part  One,  n.  5. 

21.  The  More  material  first  appeared  in  the  Curiosities,  which  I  cite  in  the  1840 
edition,  3:  196.  The  text  is  identical  with  earlier  printings.  An  expanded  ver- 
sion of  Disraeli's  sketch  of  More,  signed  Varro,  appears  in  The  New  Monthly 
Magazine,  35  (1832),  121-124,  243-249.  The  reference  to  the  Michelangelo 
verse  occurs  in  the  Miscellanies,  which  I  also  cite  in  the  readily  available 
1840  text,  1:  271,  where  the  More  material  is  also  mentioned  on  p.  244. 
Worth  remembering,  too,  is  the  nearby  positioning  of  a  comment  (p.  274) 
about  Byron's  desire  to  learn  Italian  better  and  to  write  verse  in  that  language. 
Remarks  about  Poe's  hero's  English  and  Italian,  and  about  his  actually  being 
English,  shed  new  light  in  this  connection  upon  another  of  the  "Piquant 
Facts"  of  the  Blackwood's  stamp !  Poe  may  also  have  known  about  Theresa 
Guiccioli's  visit  to  London  in  1832.  The  mingling  of  laughing  and  dying  is  also 
evident  in  Politian,  n.1-10.  See  M:  253. 

The  Godey's  pieces  appear  in  the  November  1833  issue,  pp.  223-225,  262. 
The  Macaulay  essays  appear  in  the  January  1830  and  June  1831  issues  of  The 
Edinburgh  Review.  The  misspellings  are  on  p.  557. 

22.  L.  Moifitt  Cecil  provides  some  preliminary  ideas  about  Poe's  knowledge  of 
wines,  stating  that  some  satiric  principle  is  usually  at  work.  Cecil  does  not 
entertain  all  possibilities,  however,  and  much  remains  to  do  with  the  subject. 
See  Poe  S,  5  (1972),  41-42.  In  this  matter,  another  speculation  about  excision 
of  the  original  two  paragraphs  in  "The  Visionary"  occurs.  They  may  be  the 
overblown  ramblings  of  a  bibulous  Mr.  Convolvulus  Gondola,  and  removing 
them  may  mute  or  eliminate  humor.  Even  if  the  Folio  Club  tales  were  read, 
the  liquor-ish  atmosphere  may  have  prompted  some  ad  libbing.  Within  this 
context,  other  repetitious  phrases  also  could  approximate  the  stumbling  speeches 

[  248   ] 


of  one  in  his  cups.  Despite  the  logical  conclusion  that  this  tale  might  be  the 
second  one  read,  and,  therefore,  that  a  general  inebriation  would  not  yet  pre- 
vail among  the  group,  Gondola's  resemblance  to  Tom  Moore  would  mark 
him  foremost  as  a  drinker.  With  revision,  nevertheless,  the  repeated  phrases 
can  stand  as  they  are  in  a  non-alcoholic,  "visionary"  structure  of  another  sort. 

23.  M:  216. 

24.  An  influential  work  behind  much  of  the  art  and  travel  elements  in  this  tale,  as 
well  as  in  others,  is  Frederic  Shoberl's  translation  of  Chateaubriand's  Travels  in 
Greece,  Palestine,  Egypt,  and  Barbary  During  the  Years  1806  and  iSoy,  which  ap- 
peared in  various  printings  and  which  Poe  used;  see  Part  One,  n.  5,  where 
Engstrom's  comparison  between  the  original  French  and  the  hero's  words  on 
laughter  in  "The  Assignation"  is  cited.  Apparently  Poe  cribbed  his  French 
as  well  as  his  German  largely  in  translation.  My  chief  point  here  is  that,  con- 
sidering Shoberl's  translation  of  the  traveller's  remarks  about  mingled  Greek, 
Egyptian,  and — in  a  note — Gothic  with  Greek  architectures,  we  might  respond 
to  Poe's  hero's  grotesque  assemblage  as  something  other  than  ridiculous.  I 
think  it  not  tenuous  to  see  behind  his  wish  to  grasp  the  transcendental  (which, 
with  his  limited  faculties,  the  narrator  would  surely  misunderstand,  reacting 
only  to  the  corporeality  and  not  to  the  symbolic  revelations  underlying  the  art 
works)  a  statement  by  yet  another  "visionary,"  for  so  the  teller  is  in  the 
Travels,  about  the  effect  of  this  "heterogeneous  kind  of  monuments  .  .  . 
monuments  in  which  you  discover  a  sombre,  bold,  and  gigantic  genius,  and  a 
pleasing,  sober  and  well-regulated  imagination."  (I  quote  from  the  Colbum 
printing  of  1812,  2:  102.) 

To  the  earlier  nineteenth  century,  Byron  seemed  a  "gigantic  genius,"  if  not 
always  possessed  of  a  "well-regulated  imagination."  Sir  Walter  Scott's  famous 
review  o£  Childe  Harold,  Canto  III — and  Other  Poems,  in  the  Quarterly  Review 
for  October  1816,  represents  a  bellwether  for  then  current  taste  about  the  poet 
and  his  stance.  See  also  Charles  Richard  Sanders,  "The  Byron  Closed  in 
Sartor  Resartus,"  SIR,  3  (1963),  77-108. 

25.  The  best  discussion  of  tableau  technique  is  Lucien  Rimels,  "Quadro  vivente,"  in 
Enciclopedia  dello  Spettacolo.  A  discussion  of  dream  structure  and  technique  in 
one  who  learned  much  from  him  and  which  affords  brilliant  insights  into 
Poe's  own  dream,  or  nightmare,  visions  is  Helene  Roberts,  "The  Dream 
World  of  Dante  Gabriel  Rossetti,"  VS,  17  (1974),  371-393.  She  analyzes  most 
notably  Rossetti's  attempts  to  concretize  transcendental  unity  in  sexual  sym- 
bolism, a  practice  not  unlike  that  in  "The  Assignation"  and  "To  Helen,"  if 
we  admit  a  serious,  perhaps  mystical  vein  underlying  these  works  wherein 
art  objects  have  symbolic,  idealistic  value.  I  do  not  wish  to  imply  an  erotic 
sensuality  about  "To  Helen,"  although  one  cannot  ignore  the  legendary 
Helen's  physical  appeal.  Poe's  scenic  and  pictorial  skills  have  long  been  noted; 
see  "Poe's  Tales,"  The  American  Review,  2  (1845),  308. 

26.  See  the  "Introduction  to  the  Tales"  in  his  and  Woodberry's  edition  of  Poe's 
works  (Chicago,  1894),  1:  121.  The  "Marginalia"  appear  in  the  Democratic 
Review,  19  (1846),  30-32.  Discernment  of  poetic  qualities  in  the  5LM  version 

[  249   ] 


of  "The  Visionary"  appears  in  the  notices  on  the  inside  back  covers  for 
August  1835. 

27.  Poe's  deft  mixtures  of  the  verisimilar  with  the  fantastic  are  the  subject  of 
StaufFer's  essay,  cited  in  n.  2.  Poe's  fitting  the  sound  to  the  sense  approximates 
George  Meredith's  exquisite  line  in  "Love  in  the  Valley"  describing  a  lover's 
awakening  his  mistress  with  a  kiss:  "Press  her  parting  lips,  as  her  waist  I 
gather  slow"  draws  the  lips  into  a  kissing  form  when  read  aloud. 

28.  Because  o£  the  grotesques  of  the  Greek  painters  already  mentioned  in  the  tale, 
Poe  in  1840  may  be  acutely  sensitive  to  sights  and  sounds  likely  to  attract 
critical  disapprobation  for  his  fiction. 

29.  Richard  Wilbur's  "The  House  of  Poe,"  conveniently  located  in  Poe:  A  Col- 
lection of  Critical  Essays,  ed.  Robert  Regan  (Englewood  Cliffs,  1967),  pp. 
98-120,  analyzes  such  structures.  In  its  similarity  to  a  huge  periodic  sentence, 
I  discuss  the  later  tale  in  "Dickens  and  Poe:  Pickwick  and  'Ligeia,'  "  Poe  S,  6 
(1973).  14-16.  In  Edgar  Allan  Poe:  How  to  Know  Him  (Garden  City,  N.Y., 
1921),  p.  243,  Charles  Alphonso  Smith  speaks  of  the  key  importance  of  con- 
cluding paragraphs  in  many  of  the  tales. 

30.  Two  more  sources  for  Poe's  boning  up  on  Cybele  lore  are  probable.  First, 
Horatio  Smith's  Zillah  (New  York,  1829),  whence  he  derived  much  of  "A 
Tale  of  Jerusalem,"  highlights  the  depravity  of  the  goddess'  devotees,  for 
example  in  2:  48-63.  Second,  Henry  Nelson  Coleridge's  Greek  Classic  Poets 
(London,  1831),  which  Poe  rifled  for  other  bits  of  esoteric  lore,  mentions  (p. 
352)  the  confusion  of  Venus  with  Cybele.  I  suspect  more  of  Poe's  octopus 
garnering  here.  See  also  J.  Rea,  "Classicism  and  Romanticism  in  Poe's  'Ligeia,'  " 
BSUF,  8  (1967),  25-29,  for  the  combinations  of  those  important  elements  in 
yet  another  tale. 

31.  The  Larousse  gastronomique  informs  us  that  Johannisberger  is  considered  a 
masculine,  hearty  beverage;  Vin  de  Barsac  is  less  full-bodied. 

32.  Poe:  A  Critical  Study  (Cambridge,  Mass.,  1957),  pp.  146-147.  I  have  seen  a 
paper  in  manuscript,  by  Richard  Fusco,  which  in  analyzing  revision  in  "Marie 
Roget,"  notes  the  muting  of  eroticism.  It  will  appear  in  a  future  issue  of  The 
Library  Chronicle. 

33.  In  The  Histrionic  Mr.  Poe  (Baltimore,  1949),  pp.  191-192,  N.  Bryllion  Fagin 
points  out  the  heralding  of  the  later  love  tales  in  "The  Assignation,"  and  he 
detects  the  closeness  of  the  visionary's  and  also  Usher's  physiognomies  to  Poe's. 
Consulting  the  sketch  of  Poe  in  the  Philadelphia  Saturday  Museum,  March  4, 
1843,  p.  1,  we  could  believe  that,  with  few  retouchings,  the  Venetian  hero  had 
stepped  into  the  American  newspaper.  According  to  George  P.  Clark  (review 
in  Poe  S,  4  [1971],  52-53),  Franz  H.  Link  in  Edgar  Allan  Poe:  Ein  Dichter 
zwischcn  Romantick  [sic,  Clark]  und  Moderne  (Frankfurt  a.M.,  1968)  has  as- 
serted that  Poe's  chief  concern  was  not  so  much  with  beauty  itself  as  with  its 
effect — "not  beauty  as  a  thing  but  as  an  ideal." 

34.  The  importance  of  revision  cannot  be  minimized,  and  I  try  here  to  supplement 
the  work  of  Benton,  Thompson,  and  Hammond.  In  his  unpublished  disserta- 
tion (Northwestern  University,  1971),  "Edgar  Allan  Poe's  'Tales  of  the  Folio 

[  250   ] 


club,'  "  Hammond  studies  only  the  change  in  the  opening  (pp.  85,  238). 
Reviewing  Thompson's  Poe'5  F/cfiow  {NCF,  29  [1974],  219),  Joseph  J.  Molden- 
hauer  cautions  against  the  too-ready  intent  to  discern  satirical  or  burlesque 
procedure  in  the  tale,  and  to  this  subject  I  have  addressed  myself  with  latitude. 
Moreover,  in  the  Peter  Snook  essay,  mentioned  earlier,  Poe  speaks  of  an 
"exaggeration  never  amounting  to  caricature,"  that  might  characterize  his  own 
tactics  in  his  "biography"  of  "Byron."  See  also  Donald  A.  Daiker's  strictures 
against  Thompson's  reading  of  "The  Assignation"  (in  reviewing  Poe's  Fiction: 
SSF,  12  [1975],  41-42)  as  an  essentially  burlesque  piece.  To  the  present,  there- 
fore, "The  Assignation"  elicits  widely  divergent  opinions. 


ERRATUM 


In  Part  One  of  this  paper  (LC,  39  [1973],  89,  lines  11-12),  Broadway  Journal 
(July  7,  1845)  should  read:  Broadway  Journal  (June  7,  1845). 


[251  ] 


Dreiser  to  Sandburg: 
Three  Unpublished  Letters 

ROBERT  CARRINGER*  and  SCOTT  BENNETTf 


THEODORE  DREISER  had  benefited  from  Frank  Morris's 
favorable  opinion  of  his  first  novel  and  was  himself  often  eager 
to  give  promising  new  writers  a  boost.  He  was  particularly  attracted 
to  work  that  seemed  unconventional  or  anti-Philistine  in  ways  his 
own  work  was.  Of  the  many  writers  he  championed,  the  most  fa- 
mous are  three  fellow  Midwesterners  who  published  precedent- 
shattering  books  around  1915 — Edgar  Lee  Masters,  Carl  Sandburg, 
and  Sherwood  Anderson.  In  a  September  1920  letter  to  H.  L.  Menck- 
en, whom  he  had  also  supported,  Dreiser  recalled  that  he  had  ar- 
ranged for  the  John  Lane  Company,  his  own  publisher  in  those  years, 
to  have  first  chance  at  Spoon  River  Anthology,  Chicago  Poems,  and 
Anderson's  "first  and  second  books."  Of  these  the  Lane  Company 
published  only  Anderson's  Windy  McPhersons  Son  (1916)  and  March- 
ing Men  (1917).  Spoon  River  was  brought  out  by  Macmillan  in 
1915,  and  Chicago  Poems  in  1916  by  Holt.  The  Masters  and  Anderson 
episodes  are  familiar  material  in  biographies  and  literary  histories. 
The  Sandburg  episode  is  not  as  widely  known.  It  is  mentioned  in 
Dorothy  Dudley's  early  and  often  untrustworthy  biography.  For- 
gotten Frontiers:  Dreiser  and  the  Land  of  the  Free  (1932),  but  it  is  not 
verified  in  later  biographies  by  Elias  and  Swanberg.  Miss  Dudley 
wrote: 

In  1914  Masters  showed  Sandburg's  poems  to  his  friend  the  novelist  in 
New  York.  True  to  his  veneration  for  art  Dreiser  tried  to  sell  them  to  his 
own  publisher.  Although  the  poems  found  a  publisher  through  other 
friends,  they  continued  to  have  his  support.  He  recommended  them  to 
Mencken  and  to  all  other  unconventional  editors  of  his  acquaintance.  He 
said  explicitly  they  were  wonderful,  (p.  418) 

Three  previously  published  letters  from  Sandburg  to  Dreiser  con- 
tain Sandburg's  acknowledgement  of  and  thanks  for  Dreiser's  efforts 

*  Assistant  Professor  of  English,  University  of  Illinois  at  Urbana-Champaign. 
t  Library  Collections  Consultant,  University  of  Illinois  at  Urbana-Champaign. 

[  252   ] 


on  his  behalf.  The  three  Dreiser  letters  that  are  here  now  first  pub- 
lished document  the  novelist's  activities.  The  letters  are  part  of  the 
Sandburg  Papers  at  the  University  of  Illinois  Library  at  Urbana- 
Champaign.^ 

The  following  letter  opened  the  correspondence  between  Dreiser 
and  Sandburg,  It  is  handwritten  on  two  sheets  of  8%"X  ii"  station- 
ery, the  first  embossed  with  the  address  "165  west  10  street  |  new 

YORK  CITY." 

Aug.  6th  1915 
My  Dear  Mr.  Sandburg: 

Sometime  ago  I  asked  Mr.  Masters  to  get  you  to  gather  your  poems  to- 
gether and  let  me  see  them.  Last  Monday  he  came  on,  bringing  them,  and 
I  have  since  had  the  pleasure  of  examining  them.  They  are  beautiful.  There 
is  a  fine,  hard,  able  paganism  about  them  that  delights  me — and  they  are 
tender  and  wistful  as  only  the  lonely,  wistful,  dreaming  pagan  can  be.  Do 
I  need  to  congratulate  you?  Let  me  envy  you  instead.  I  would  I  could  do 
things  as  lovely. 

Mr.  Dell  was  in  here  the  other  night  as  we  were  reading  them  and  he 
said  that  once  he  had  seen  some  earlier  poems  of  yours,  many  of  which 
were  lovely  and  some  of  which  should  surely  have  been  included  in  these. 
Will  you  be  so  kind  as  to  let  me  see  them.  My  idea  is  that  if  so  many  as  a 
hundred  and  twenty-five  or  a  hundred  and  fifty  poems  can  be  gotten  to- 
gether a  publisher  can  be  found  for  them.  I  sincerely  hope  so, — I  mean 
now.  A  publisher  will  certainly  be  found  for  them  eventually.  If  I  had  the 
others  perhaps  we  could  select  a  few  more  and  complete  the  proposed 
material  of  the  book. 

Incidentally  Mr.  Dell,  hearing  your  poem  on  Billy  Sunday  read  wanted 
me  to  let  him  submit  it  for  consideration  at  the  Masses.  I  loaned  it  to  him, 
subject  to  further  advice  from  you,  of  course. 

My  sincerest  compliments.  When  I  next  get  to  Chicago  I  will  look  you 
up. 

Sincerely 
Theodore  Dreiser 

Last  Monday]  Masters  visited  New  York  in  August  1915  and  saw  Dreiser  almost 
daily  at  the  novelist's  studio  apartment  in  Greenwich  Village. 

pagan]  Mitgang  (p.  103)  cites  this  sentence  but  misquotes  pagan  as  jargon. 

Mr.  Dell]  Floyd  Dell,  former  Chicago  newspaperman  and  author,  was  then 
managing  editor  of  Max  Eastman's  radical  magazine  The  Masses.  He  had  seen 
Sandburg's  poems  in  his  Chicago  days  and  had  published  several  in  The  Masses 

[  253    ] 


earlier  in  the  year.  "To  Billy  Sunday"  appeared  in  the  September  1915  issue  of 
The  Masses.  It  was  considerably  revised,  toned  down,  and  retitled  "To  a  Contem- 
porary Bunkshooter"  for  Chicago  Poems. 

Sandburg  replied  promptly  and  briefly  on  August  pth  that  he  had 
sent  additional  poems  to  Masters  at  his  New  York  hotel.  On  August 
11th  Dreiser  left  New  York  with  an  Indiana  friend,  Franklin  Booth, 
an  illustrator,  on  a  three-week  trip  to  gather  material  for  A  Hoosier 
Holiday.  Sandburg  wrote  again  on  September  1st  thanking  Dreiser 
for  his  letter  of  praise  and  saying  that  Masters  on  his  return  to  Chi- 
cago had  reported  receiving  the  additional  poems  and  turning  them 
over  to  the  John  Lane  Company.  They  were  considered  there  while 
Dreiser  was  still  in  hidiana,  and  declined.  After  his  return  to  New 
York  Dreiser  wrote  Sandburg  the  following  letter,  typewritten  on 
5"X  6%"  left-fold  note  paper  embossed  with  the  Tenth  Street  address. 
There  are  several  typing  strikeovers;  the  letter  is  signed  and  the  post- 
script is  handwritten. 

October  19th,  '15 
Dear  Mr.  Sandberg  [sic]: 

The  mix-up  in  regard  to  your  poems  has  troubled  me  no  little. 

Early  last  spring  I  wrote  Masters  to  advise  you  to  send  them  to  me,  as  I 
had  enjoyed  two  that  were  in  the  Masses.  My  intention  was  to  submit 
them  to  the  Lane  Company.  When  Masters  came  he  had  a  great  many 
lovely  ones  with  him,  but  Floyd  Dell  suggested  that  there  were  some 
splendid  earlier  ones  not  in  that  collection.  I  told  Masters  to  gather  those  in 
and  leave  the  matter  with  me.  It  was  at  this  time  that  I  decided  to  go  to 
Indiana  on  a  motor  trip.  As  it  was  months  since  I  had  asked  first  to  see  the 
poems  I  did  not  believe  there  was  any  need  of  haste  in  placing  them. 

Edgar  Lee  is  one  of  my  best  friends  and  I  sincerely  believe  that  it  was  his 
enthusiasm  for  you  that  lead  [sic]  him  to  take  the  matter  into  his  own 
hands.  When  I  came  back  from  Indiana  Jones  and  his  readers  had  decided 
against  them  and  my  voice  at  this  late  date  was  useless.  I  feel  so  troubled 
about  unfulfilled  obligations  that  I  write  you  as  I  do. 

My  compliments  to  you.  I  hope  all  goes  well  with  you.  And  my  best 
wishes  to  Edgar  Lee 

Sincerely 
Theodore  Dreiser 

P.S.  Please  send  me  a  copy  of  the  poem  concerning  the  woman  who  is  expecting 
a  baby  &  digs  in  the  garden 

[254] 


the  Masses]  The  following  Sandburg  poems  had  appeared  in  The  Masses  earlier  in 
the  year:  "Buttons"  (February),  "Murmurings  in  a  Field  Hospital"  (May), 
"Graves"  and  "Choices"  (June). 

Jones]  Jefferson  Jones  was  managing  director  of  the  American  branch  of  the  John 
Lane  Company,  a  British  firm.  In  the  September  1920  letter  to  Mencken  Dreiser 
said  that  Jones  had  declined  Sandburg's  poetry  because  "it  was  an  imitation  of 
Masters."  In  Across  Spoon  River:  An  Autobiography  (New  York,  1936),  Masters 
gives  the  same  account,  saying  that  the  poems  were  rejected  by  one  publisher  on 
grounds  that  they  were  "an  imitation  of  mine."  He  does  not  mention  Dreiser's 
involvement,  saying  only  that  "on  this  trip  to  New  York  I  brought  with  me  the 
script  of  Sandburg's  Chicago  Poems  to  fmd  a  publisher  for  him.  I  submitted  the  book 
to  two  different  publishers  who  declined  it"  (p.  369). 

poem]  Dreiser  may  be  asking  for  "Poppies"  (Chicago  Poems),  in  which  a  woman 
walks  in  a  garden  of  "blood-red  poppies";  "a  new  child  tugs  at  cords  in  her  body." 

Sandburg  wrote  Dreiser  again  on  February  13,  1916,  apologizing 
for  his  slowness  in  answering  letters  and  informing  Dreiser  that  Chi- 
cago Poems  would  be  published  by  Holt.  He  again  suggested  that 
Dreiser  and  he  get  together  in  Chicago  some  time.  Dreiser  did  in 
fact  seek  out  Sandburg  on  his  next  trip  to  Chicago,  more  than  ten 
years  later.  The  following  letter  was  written  then  on  5^^"X  7"  left- 
fold  note  paper  of  the  Blackstone  Hotel.  Whether  the  two  writers 
actually  met  on  this  occasion  is  not  known.  Sandburg  still  worked 
for  the  Chicago  Daily  News,  but  was  spending  most  of  the  time  that 
summer  at  his  cottage  in  Michigan,  three  or  four  hours'  drive  from 
Chicago. 

Aug  20-  1927 
Dear  Mr.  Sandburg: 

I  happen  to  be  in  Chicago  -  (for  the  first  time  in  14  years)  This  morn- 
ing I  called  up  the  News  and  they  gave  me  Elmhurst  48  1. 1  tried  it  but  did 
not  fmd  you  in.  When  I  called  I  thought  I  should  be  leaving  tonight  but  I 
have  news  that  will  keep  me  here  a  part  of  next  week  anyhow.  There  is 
nothing  in  particular  on  my  mind  save  the  pleasure  of  a  talk  about  the 
Middle  West  and  Chicago.  If  you  have  an  hour  to  waste  you  might  meal 
[sic]  for  a  meal  or  a  talk. 

You  may  or  may  not  remember  but  it  was  to  me  that  Masters  brought 
&  read  a  number  of  your  first  poems.  And  it  was  myself  who  introduced 
him_  to  John  Lane  and  urged  Jefferson  Jones  to  bring  them  out  by  all  means. 

Theodore  Dreiser 
A  word  to  the  Blackstone  here  will  reach  me  -  room  ijoi 

[^55] 


Chicago]  In  Letters  to  Louise  (Philadelphia,  1959),  pp.  46-47,  Louise  Campbell 
prints  a  letter  from  Dreiser  written  in  New  York,  dating  it  on  the  same  day  as  this 
Chicago  letter  (i.e.,  August  20,  1927).  Dr.  Neda  M.  Westlake,  Curator  of  the 
Rare  Book  Collection  of  the  Charles  Patterson  Van  Pelt  Library  at  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania,  has  examined  the  New  York  letter  and  the  letter  written  from 
Mt.  Kisco  also  prmted  on  these  pages.  She  reports  that  the  only  indication  of  date 
on  the  New  York  letter  is  a  day,  "Thursday,"  which  is  the  day  referred  to  in  the 
letter  from  Mt.  Kisco  dated  by  Dreiser  "Sat.  Aug.  6,  1927."  Mrs.  Campbell  mis- 
read Dreiser's  careless  6  as  a  9  and  reversed  the  order  of  the  two  letters.  The  New 
York  letter  ought  therefore  to  be  dated  August  4,  1927. 

might  meal]  This  is  presumably  a  verbal  slip  for  "might  meet  me." 


NOTE 

The  details  of  Frank  Norris's  involvement  in  the  publication  of  Sister  Carrie 
are  re-examined  by  Jack  Salzman,  "The  Publication  o{  Sister  Carrie:  Fact  and 
Fiction,"  The  Library  Chronicle,  33  (1967),  119-133.  Dreiser's  efforts  on  behalf 
of  other  writers  in  this  period  are  summarized  by  Robert  H.  Elias,  Theodore 
Dreiser:  Apostle  of  Nature,  emended  ed.  (Ithaca,  N.Y.,  1970),  pp.  182-183,  and 
by  W.  A.  Swanberg,  Dreiser  (New  York,  1965),  pp.  187-188.  Dreiser's  services 
to  Mencken  in  the  early  years  of  their  relationship  are  told  by  Donald  R. 
Stoddard,  "Mencken  and  Dreiser:  An  Exchange  of  Roles,"  The  Library  Chron- 
icle, 32  (1966),  117-136.  The  1920  letter  to  Mencken  is  printed  in  Letters  of 
Theodore  Dreiser:  A  Selection,  ed.  Robert  H.  Elias  (Philadelphia,  1959),  i,  277- 
281.  Miss  Dudley's  account  has  appeared  in  various  paraphrases,  as  in  Richard 
Crowder,  Carl  Sandburg,  Twayne's  United  States  Authors  Series  (New  Haven, 
1964),  p.  48;  and  Dale  Kramer,  Chicago  Renaissance  (New  York,  1966),  pp. 
283-284.  Sandburg's  letters  toDrieser  are  printed  in  The  Letters  ofCarlSatidburg, 
ed.  Herbert  Mitgang  (New  York,  1968),  pp.  103-104, 110.  The  present  writers 
are  grateful  to  Mr.  HaroldJ.  Dies,  Trustee  of  the  Dreiser  Trust,  and  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Illinois  Library  for  permission  to  publish  these  letters.  We  are  also 
obligated  to  Robert  H.  Elias  for  his  generous  counsel. 


[256   ] 


i